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2 avril 2017 7 02 /04 /avril /2017 10:19

In Photos: Thousands participate in 5th annual Free Movement Palestine Marathon

March 31, 2017 3:56 P.M. (Updated: March 31, 2017 3:57 P.M.)
 
 
BETHLEHEM (Ma'an) -- Six thousand Palestinians and international visitors from around the globe set off on Friday morning to participate in the the fifth annual Free Movement Palestine Marathon (formerly Right to Movement Palestine Marathon) in the southern occupied West Bank city of Bethlehem.

Marathon runners set off from the Nativity Church in Bethlehem’s Manger Square, with head of the Palestinian Olympic Committee Jibril al-Rajoub firing a shot in the air to signal the start of the race.

The marathon included a three-kilometer race titled “family race,” a 10-kilometer race, a 21-kilometer race and the full marathon of 42.195 kilometers

The Governor of Bethlehem Jibrin al-Bakri spoke at Manger Square as the marathon drew to an end, saying “the most important message of the marathon is a national one that stresses on the Palestinian reality of restricted movement, land theft and the construction of a separation wall which are all racist actions that violate human rights agreements.”

Al-Bakri also added that the marathon sends athletic, humanitarian and social messages as it “opens the space for reinforcing spots and concentrating on different social cases including rights of people with disabilities,” highlighting that 500 people with disabilities took part in the marathon.

Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank, East Jerusalm and besieged Gaza Strip face a number of restrictions on their movement on a daily basis, imposed by Israeli authorities.

In the West Bank, Palestinians not only face heavy restrictions when attempting to enter Israel, but as well as inside the Palestinian territory itself, in the form of military checkpoints, Israel’s separation wall, and Israeli settler-only roads.

These barriers often cut through Palestinian land, preventing many Palestinians from accessing their agricultural lands and eventually destroying their economic livelihoods.

Palestinians in the Gaza Strip have been subjected to a blockade since 2007 -- when Hamas was elected as the de-facto ruler of Gaza -- imposed by Israel on the air, land, and sea sides of the small coastal enclave.

Egypt has equally upheld the Israeli military blockade since the ousting of former President Muhammad Morsi in 2013 and the rise to power of al-Sisi in Egypt.

While the Rafah border crossing between Gaza and Egypt has remained the main lifeline for Gazans to the outside world, Egyptian authorities have slowly sealed off movement through the border since Morsi was toppled by the Egyptian army.

Due to the constraints on Palestinian movement through the crossing, many Gazans are commonly barred from leaving or entering the besieged coastal enclave, some for months at a time, as the crossing is only periodically opened by Egyptian authorities, stranding Palestinians on both sides of the crossing during closures.

The decade-long Israeli blockade has plunged the Gaza Strip’s two million Palestinians into extreme poverty and some of the highest unemployment rates in the world.

Gaza's infrastructure has yet to recover from the devastation of three Israeli offensives over the past six years. The slow and sometimes stagnant reconstruction of the besieged coastal enclave has only been worsened by the blockade, leading the UN to warn that Gaza could be “uninhabitable” by 2020.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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1 avril 2017 6 01 /04 /avril /2017 09:48
Saïd Abou-Ali : Israël n’a jamais respecté le droit international.
 
 
 
 
Le secrétaire général adjoint de la Ligue arabe pour les affaires palestiniennes, Saïd Abou-Ali, appelle l’Administration américaine à revoir son engagement pour un transfert à Jérusalem de l’ambassade des Etats-Unis en Israël. Interview
 
 
 
 
Saïd Abou-Ali
 
 
Saïd Abou-Ali
Mohamad El-Sayed Hamada
 
 
 
 
 
29-03-2017
 
 
 
 

Al-ahram Hebdo : Quelle serait la position de la Ligue arabe au cas où les Etats-Unis décideraient de transférer l’ambassade américaine de Tel-Aviv à Jérusalem ?

Saïd Abou-Ali : Le fait que la Palestine est une terre sainte et le berceau des trois religions monothéistes signifie que l’islam y garde des droits indéniables, précisément dans la ville de Jérusalem laquelle est une ville arabe et islamique. Transférer l’ambassade américaine à Jérusalem représente une violation flagrante des droits historiques palestiniens et du droit international qui reconnaît les droits historiques des Palestiniens sur cette ville. La communauté internationale considère Jérusalem-Est comme territoire palestinien occupé en 1967 et condamne les pratiques israéliennes visant à judaïser la ville, notamment à travers la colonisation. Comment les Etats-Unis peuvent-ils violer les résolutions du Conseil de sécurité dont ils sont un membre permanent ? Une telle démarche représenterait donc une violation non seulement des droits palestiniens mais aussi du droit international, ainsi qu’une rupture avec la position traditionnelle des administrations américaines successives. Elle impliquerait une reconsidération par tous les pays arabes et musulmans de leurs relations avec les Etats-Unis. Nous souhaitons que le président américain, Donald Trump, reconsidère sa position et ses conséquences.

— Les crises qui frappent le monde arabe actuellement ont-elles relégué au second plan la cause palestinienne ?

— Cette situation désolante où se trouve le monde arabe a sûrement son impact sur l’ordre des priorités, cela dit, le citoyen arabe n’a jamais perdu la Palestine de vue. Les Arabes ont toujours réalisé que la cause palestinienne est au coeur de leur conflit national, ils peuvent diverger sur de nombreuses questions sauf la Palestine. C’est notre cause commune et la plaie qui marque notre conscience. Et c’est justement ce qu’on voit institutionnellement concrétisé à la Ligue arabe.

— Quelles sont les positions que la Ligue arabe a prises face aux récentes violations israéliennes ?

— A travers ses prises de position et ses activités dans les forums internationaux, le secrétariat général de la Ligue arabe cherche à la fois à dénoncer les violations d’Israël et à soutenir la résistance du peuple palestinien. Nous avons ainsi réussi à influencer la position de l’Unesco à l’égard des sites religieux musulmans et chrétiens à Jérusalem. Il s’agissait de faire face aux violations israéliennes et à ses activités coloniales visant à judaïser la ville de Jérusalem et à imposer une nouvelle réalité dans le périmètre de la mosquée Al-Aqsa. Nous avons donc exercé une pression au sein de l’Unesco en vue de l’adoption d’une résolution confirmant l’arabité de Jérusalem, ainsi que son statut de ville occupée.

Il en a été de même l’année dernière lors de la Conférence de Paris. Le secrétariat général de la Ligue arabe a joué un rôle primordial dans l’élaboration d’une position arabe commune en concertation avec le gouvernement français. Cette position a été concrétisée dans le document adopté par la conférence.

Plus important encore, la Ligue arabe s’est toujours opposée aux tentatives de l’occupant israélien d’accéder au statut de membre au Conseil de sécurité de l’Onu. Surtout qu’Israël n’a jamais respecté le droit international, et poursuit la construction des colonies faisant fi des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité et de la communauté internationale. Les divers organismes de la Ligue arabe dans leur travail quotidien ne cessent de souligner la priorité de la cause palestinienne et de la défendre sur la scène internationale et ce, malgré les difficultés actuelles de notre région.

— La reconnaissance du caractère « juif » de l’Etat d’Israël comme préalable à la reprise des négociations est-elle la raison du gel du processus de paix ?

— La question du caractère juif d’Israël intervient à un moment où le discours sectaire est en vogue et que se multiplient les guerres confessionnelles, d’où son danger. D’abord, la cause palestinienne, à l’échelle de l’histoire, de la civilisation et de la société, est le berceau des trois religions monothéistes. Elle n’est l’apanage d’aucune religion et ne peut être réduite à l’une de ses composantes. C’est un fait que tout le monde reconnaît. Dire que la Palestine est juive reviendrait à exclure les deux autres religions et à contredire sa réalité sociale. C’est une atteinte aux droits des musulmans et des chrétiens de cette terre. Comment ignorer tout l’héritage historique et spirituel et les lieux saints de ces deux communautés ?

De même, d’un point de vue politique, la présence des juifs sur une terre ne leur donne pas le droit de la judaïser, parce que les Etats appartiennent aux peuples non aux religions. Ladite judaïcité d’Israël n’est qu’une condition impossible posée par le gouvernement d’occupation pour geler les négociations. Un autre préalable consiste à reconnaître la suprématie militaire israélienne du Jourdain à la Méditerranée. Sur quoi porteraient les négociations dans ce cas ? De notre côté, nous saluons toutes les initiatives qui visent à la reprise du processus de paix, mais il faut tout d’abord arrêter la construction des colonies, parce que l’objectif des négociations c’est de mettre fin à l’occupation non de la sanctionner. Il ne s’agit pas de négocier l’amélioration des conditions de vie sous l’occupation, les arrestations et les check-points, parce que notre objectif c’est d’en finir avec l’occupation et de créer un Etat palestinien indépendant et souverain

 

http://hebdo.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1169/2/8/22681/Sa%C3%AFd-AbouAli--Isra%C3%ABl-n%E2%80%99a-jamais-respect%C3%A9-le-droit-.aspx

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1 avril 2017 6 01 /04 /avril /2017 09:46
Publish Date: 2017/03/30
Muslim worshippers at Al-Aqsa confront Jewish fanatics performing religious rituals
 
 
 

JERUSALEM, March 30, 2017 (WAFA) – Muslim worshippers at Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem confronted Jewish fanatics on Thursday who attempted to perform religious rituals inside the Muslim holy compound, according to witnesses.

Dozens of fanatics held provocative visits to Al-Aqsa Mosque and walked around the compound under heavy Israeli police protection.

When the fanatics attempted to perform religious ritual, which is against visit rules, Muslim worshippers stopped them with protest cheers.

Provocative tours by the Jewish fanatics have increased in recent days with the approach of the Jewish Passover holiday.

Muslims fear the fanatics want to take over their mosque, the third holiest in Islam after Mecca and Medina in Saudi Arabia, and turn it into a Jewish temple.

M.K.

 

 

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=Yu0uqga70560112161aYu0uqg

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1 avril 2017 6 01 /04 /avril /2017 09:40

Inside the clandestine world of Israel’s ’BDS-busting’ Ministry

 


The Strategic Affairs Ministry's leaders see themselves as the heads of a commando unit, gathering and disseminating information about 'supporters of the delegitimization of Israel' – and they prefer their actions be kept secret.

By Uri Blau Mar 26, 2017

 

The Haaretz report that Minister Gilad Erdan wants to set up a database of Israeli citizens who support the BDS movement has led to questions about the boundaries of freedom of expression and the government’s use of its resources to surveille people of differing opinions. The report also shone a light on the Strategic Affairs Ministry, which Erdan heads, and cast doubt about its ambiguous activities and goals.

Now, through official documents, Haaretz reveals some elements of the ministry’s clandestine activities, whereby even its location is a secret, described only as “greater Tel Aviv.” Its internal terminology comes from the world of espionage and security ; its leading figures appear to see themselves as the heads of a public affairs commando unit engaged in multiple fronts, gathering and disseminating information about people they define as “supporters of the delegitimization of Israel.”

That definition does not necessarily include only supporters of BDS, but intentional ambiguity remains, alongside campaigns and public diplomacy activities against these individuals in Israel and abroad.

“If you want to win the campaign you have to do it with a great deal of ambiguity," the ministry’s director general, Sima Vaknin-Gil, who is a former IDF chief censor, explained to a Knesset panel recently. “The way I worked with military issues like Hezbollah or terror funds or Syria or any other country against which I conducted a campaign as an intelligence officer – we didn’t tell the other side what we intended to do ; we left it ambiguous.”

The ministry spends tens of millions of shekels on cooperative efforts with the Histadrut labor federation, the Jewish Agency and various nongovernmental organizations in training representatives of the “true pluralistic face” of Israel in various forums.

The Strategic Affairs Ministry was established mainly as a consolation prize for ministers when the need arose to pad them with a semi-security portfolio during the formation of governing coalitions, and has taken on various forms. It was founded in 2006 as a portfolio tailored to Avigdor Lieberman. It was dismantled two years later and reestablished in 2009 in a different format. Under each ministry it was given new meaning and content.

During Lieberman’s tenure, its authority was defined mainly as “thwarting the Iranian nuclear program.” In addition, Nativ, which maintained contact with Jews in Eastern Europe during the Cold War and encouraged aliyah, came under its aegis. Then, under Moshe Ya’alon (2009-2013), the ministry focused on “Palestinian incitement” as well as the Iranian threat. During the term of Yuval Steinitz (2013-2015), the ministry was unified with the Intelligence Affairs Ministry into the “Intelligence Ministry.” In May 2015, it was once again separated out and given to Erdan, incorporating the Public Diplomacy Ministry, which had been removed from the Prime Minister’s Office.

A harsh state comptroller’s report in 2016 concerning the “diplomatic-media struggle against the boycott movement and manifestations of anti-Semitism abroad,” noted that the transfer of authority to fight BDS from the Foreign Ministry to the Strategic Affairs Ministry was damaging to the powers of the Foreign Ministry and created unnecessary duplication that paralyzed government action in that area, as Barak Ravid reported extensively at the time.

According to the comptroller, after years of contention and mutual entrenchment, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had given in to pressure and shifted more powers for fighting BDS from the Foreign Ministry to the Strategic Affairs Ministry, together with major funding.

In October 2015, the security cabinet finally gave the Strategic Affairs Ministry responsibility to “guide, coordinate and integrate the activities of all the ministers and the government and of civil entities in Israel and abroad on the subject of the struggle against attempts to delegitimize Israel and the boycott movement.”

Nevertheless, tensions with the Foreign Ministry remained. The reason for this might also be a difference in approach. According to the comptroller’s report, the Foreign Ministry’s strategy of action against BDS “focuses on expanding dialogue with individuals, bodies, organizations, corporations and institutions abroad” – i.e., dialogue – as opposed to surveillance and more aggressive public diplomacy activities by the Strategic Affairs Ministry.

Others say the powers were moved from the Foreign Ministry to the Strategic Affairs Ministry due to what Netanyahu perceived as the too-liberal tendencies of the Foreign Ministry.

The Strategic Affairs Ministry’s current director general, Vaknin-Gil, was appointed in late 2015. In a meeting last August of the Knesset Special Committee for the Transparency and Accessibility of Government Information, Vaknin-Gil was asked what she defined as “winning” the battle against BDS. Winning, she said, meant that the “narrative in the world won’t be that Israel equals apartheid.” She explained that the ministry was training some 200 people, “among the best people in Israel,” as its ambassadors abroad.

Tzahi Gavrieli, the ministry’s deputy director general, is “director of the campaign against delegitimization.” Gavrieli, 43, a lawyer, was Netanyahu’s adviser on content affairs and also worked in the bureaus of prime ministers Ehud Olmert and Ariel Sharon. He was involved in the establishment of the Public Diplomacy Council and before the last election left Netanyahu’s office and worked with Moshe Kahlon on preparing the platform of Kahlon’s party, Kulanu. He took up his current post in the Strategic Affairs Ministry last year.

During the discussion in the Knesset’s transparency committee, Gavrieli said a number of times it would have been better for it to have taken place in a less public forum. According to Gavrieli, the ministry’s role was to “act so the narrative of the State of Israel as the national home of the Jewish people is clear and unquestionable, not among countries nor among audiences, not among progressive liberal audiences, not on campuses, nor among economic decision makers, nor among jurists throughout the world, nor among labor unions and churches. And the second narrative is to stop the phenomenon of delegitimization. And on that matter, there is difficulty speaking in an open forum.”

When Gavrieli was asked what the ministry’s definition of delegitimization was, he said it meant “rallying of organizations and ideas around an existing contemporary issue of rejecting the idea of the State of Israel as the national home of the Jewish people.”

Vaknin-Gil added : “We identify the story of labeling products [from settlements in the occupied territories] as the first step on the way to something much greater … for us, therefore, the labeling of products is a certain symptom of delegitimization.”

In terms of budget, Vaknin-Gil reported that the budget for her ministry’s operating costs was 44 million shekels ($12 million) for 2016, while the budget for the fight against “delegitimization” was 128 million shekels. According to the website Mafteah Hatakziv (the Budget Key), though, the ministry’s budget was 8.8 million shekels in 2015, jumped to 26.9 million shekels in 2016 and almost doubled to 46.5 million this year.

At the time of last August’s Knesset committee meeting, the ministry had 16 employees, with the aim of increasing that number to 20. At the head of the ministry’s “public diplomacy” department is Edi Yair Freiman, who a few years ago published an article in Yedioth Ahronoth entitled “Obama betrayed Mubarak, Bibi stayed loyal.” Freiman is a member of Young Likud and a former adviser to Minister Yossi Peled, who headed the new media department in the old Public Diplomacy and Diaspora Affairs Ministry.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, a security official told Haaretz that after the passage of the law barring entry into Israeli of foreigners who call for a boycott of Israel or the settlements, a greater need arose to broaden the law and get personal information about those supporting the boycott.

How this is done can be understood from job descriptions for ministry officials. One of the main roles, for example is “Senior official – new-media realm.” The individual filling this job is responsible for “heading the campaign” against the BDS movement. Areas of this official’s responsibility include : “Analysis of the world of social media, in terms of content, technology and network structure, emphasizing centers of gravity and focuses of influence, methods, messages, organizations, sites and key activists, studying their characteristics, areas, realms and key patterns of activities of the rival campaign and formulating a strategy for an awareness campaign against them in this realm and managing crises on social media.” That is, surveilling of activities mainly in the digital arena.

The gleaned information is then managed, sifted and passed on to “authorized figures in the ministry for continued processing.” In addition, the job description explains, officials at the ministry deal with “construction and promotion of creative and suitable programs for new media, in keeping with the goals of the campaign and communications strategy.”

The head of this area must be fully conversant with the various social networks, Google Analytics and additional programs. All employees must receive security clearance before they begin work.

The ministry also deals with “formulating the awareness and communications strategy to create significant change in the image of the State of Israel concerning the proactive campaign against delegitimization of the State of Israel and change in the communication dialogue,” in media outlets and new media. The ministry advances various projects to apply this strategy. For example, in June 2016, it was exempted from the need to publish a bid for a contract worth 1.6 million shekels with an organization called “The Multidisciplinary Center for Leadership and Project Initiation,” to train young people for activities on social media and direct encounters. Then, delegations will be sent to areas defined by the ministries as “delegitimization-challenged” and “groups of teens will be selected who can represent the true and pluralistic face of Israel, to extract the sting from delegitimization.”

Discussing the program, Vaknin-Gil said,..............

 

http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.779434

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1 avril 2017 6 01 /04 /avril /2017 09:36

Soldiers take 13-yr-old from home in 'Azzun, abandon him 1.5 km away after dark

Published:
28 Mar 2017

The boys' home in 'Azzun. Left to right: Home of Ihab 'Enayeh's family and home of Baraa 'Enayeh's family. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017

 

The boys' home in 'Azzun. Left to right: Home of Ihab 'Enayeh's family and home of Baraa 'Enayeh's family. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017

 

On Saturday afternoon, 25 February 2017, at around 4:30 P.M., 13-year-old Baraa ‘Enayeh was making his way home after finishing after-school work transporting vegetables from the field to a village store. ‘Enayeh lives in the northern part of the village of ‘Azzun, which lies east of Qalqilya. On his way home, he met friend and neighbor Ihab ‘Enayeh, 12, who had also finished working after school at his uncle's metalwork shop. The two boys travelled home together in a donkey cart used to carry vegetables. When they were almost home, three soldiers came out of a nearby olive grove and asked the boys to show them their hands. The soldiers sniffed the boys' palms and clothes, apparently to check whether they smelled like gunpowder, and asked them in Hebrew and in Arabic where they had been a few minutes earlier. It emerged later that the soldiers suspected the two of being involved in a shooting incident that had occurred, according to the soldiers, near ‘Azzun. The soldiers let them go, and each boy entered his house.

A few minutes later, the soldiers knocked on the door of Baraa's home. His father, Hani ‘Enayeh, 41, opened the door. The soldiers ordered him, in Hebrew and in Arabic, to bring all his children to the living room. After they were all in the living room, one of the soldiers insisted that Hani had one more child. Hani understood that he probably meant Ihab, the neighbors’ son. He went with Baraa and the soldiers to look for him next door, but Ihab was not there. The soldiers kept Baraa and his father standing near the house, and began questioning the boy about a shooting that they said had taken place on the main road earlier that afternoon. They demanded to know what he had been doing at the time, using his father as a translator. During the questioning, one of the soldiers took a photograph of Baraa with his mobile phone. When it was over, the soldiers detained father and son outside their home for another two hours.

Hani 'Enayeh, Father of Baraa 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 Feb. 2017At that point, an army jeep drew up and an officer got out. He told Hani that his son was being taken in for interrogation and would be returned when it was over. The officer, who took the father's identification card with him, did not say where he was taking the boy or when he would be returned. In testimony he gave to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 26 Feb. 2017, Hani ‘Enayeh described what happened then:

I told the officer that my son is a young boy and that he’s frightened. I asked them to let me stay with him until the interrogation was over and take him home. The officer refused and led my 13-year-old son a hundred meters away from our house, where he handcuffed and blindfolded him. Then the soldiers put him in a jeep and headed east.

Sanaa Hussein, mother of Ihab 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 22 March, 2017

A few minutes later, another military jeep arrived at the home of Ihab ‘Enayeh. Three soldiers got off the jeep and ordered his mother, Sanaa Hussein, 44, who was sitting on the porch, to open the door. The soldiers entered and searched the second floor, where Sanaa and her children live. Then one of the soldiers told Sanaa to bring the children who were in the house at the time to the second floor living room. Sanaa brought her four children and two small grandchildren there. In testimony she gave to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 16 March 2017, she said:

One of the soldiers asked me about my son, Ihab, and I replied that he wasn’t home. The soldier told me that he had thrown stones on the main road. I defended my son and said he is a minor and does not throw stones. The soldier insisted that I call Ihab on the phone and tell him to come home. He told the soldiers to wait in the house until Ihab returned. In the meantime, my daughter's husband arrived and he told the soldiers in Hebrew that Ihab is a little boy who doesn't throw stones. The three soldiers stayed in our house for about an hour. Then they left and told me that soldiers would come later to arrest Ihab.

The soldiers frightened me very much and I was worried about my son. We were constantly afraid that the soldiers would come back to the house. Ihab stayed that day at his sister's home in the village because he feared he would be arrested, and returned only the next day.

Baraa 'Enayeh, 13. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 Feb. 2017

 

Baraa 'Enayeh, 13. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 Feb. 2017

 

Baraa said in testimony to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 26 Feb. 2017 that during the jeep ride, a soldier asked his name and age and whether he had participated in stone-throwing. According to Baraa, he answered that he doesn’t throw stones. After driving for five to ten minutes, the military jeep reached the gate of the Ma'aleh Shomron settlement, which lies east of ‘Azzun, and the soldiers took Baraa out of the jeep. In his testimony, he said:

The soldiers took off my blindfold, and one of them asked me in Arabic if I recognized the place. I told them that it was the first time I was seeing the area up close, with all the lights and barbed wire fencing. They asked me more questions in English, which I didn't understand, and I answered, 'No'. Then they put me back on the jeep and let me off at the junction leading to the settlement, near Route 55 and the old blocked road, east of ‘Azzun. They took the cable ties off my hands and told me to go home.

The junction is almost a kilometer and a half from our house. I started walking along the road, which was spooky in the dark. I was afraid that wild boars would come out, or that I would run into settlers who might attack me. When I reached the eastern houses of the village I felt relief. I kept going until I reached our house at about eight in the evening. My parents and brothers were very worried. I told them what had happened to me and how I’d returned home along the blocked road.

Baraa's mother, I'timad ‘Enayeh, 34, described in testimony she gave to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 5 March 2017 how it felt to wait at home for her son to return home:

My husband came back inside. We were sad and scared and worried about Baraa. We stayed that way until he returned, on foot, about an hour after they took him. He told us that the soldiers had taken him to the gate of Ma’aleh Shomron, where they questioned him, and then left him near the junction where the old ‘Azzun road meets the road to Ma'aleh Shomron. He came home frightened after walking in the dark on the deserted road. Baraa was scared for the rest of the night because of what happened to him.

View from the outskirts of 'Azzun to the spot where the soldiers abandoned Baraa 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017
View from the outskirts of 'Azzun to the spot where the soldiers abandoned Baraa 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017

The grave conduct of the soldiers is illegal. Under the circumstances, there was no basis for "reasonable suspicion of an offense" that could have justified detaining Baraa and his father. The officers and soldiers involved completely ignored the fact that Baraa is thirteen years old and does not speak their language. After being questioned with his father, the he was taken away alone in a jeep, handcuffed and blindfolded. The soldiers did not allow his father to accompany him, and no one took the trouble to explain to the father and son what was about to happen. Later, they abandoned Baraa in the dark about a kilometer and a half away from home, near a settlement, at a spot that Palestinians usually avoid for fear of a confrontation with settlers or with the army. In addition, and again with no basis for reasonable suspicion, the soldiers searched the home of Sanaa Anaya, frightened her children and small grandchildren, and left without arresting anyone.

There can be no justification for such thuggish behavior, which reflects the unchecked power and authority given to soldiers, and the backing they receive. No one will have to answer for the harm to Baraa and his family. This is what life looks under occupation.

 

http://www.btselem.org/harassment/20170328_soldiers_take_boy_and_desert_him_near_village

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1 avril 2017 6 01 /04 /avril /2017 09:35

Soldiers take 13-yr-old from home in 'Azzun, abandon him 1.5 km away after dark

Published:
28 Mar 2017

The boys' home in 'Azzun. Left to right: Home of Ihab 'Enayeh's family and home of Baraa 'Enayeh's family. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017

 

The boys' home in 'Azzun. Left to right: Home of Ihab 'Enayeh's family and home of Baraa 'Enayeh's family. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017

 

On Saturday afternoon, 25 February 2017, at around 4:30 P.M., 13-year-old Baraa ‘Enayeh was making his way home after finishing after-school work transporting vegetables from the field to a village store. ‘Enayeh lives in the northern part of the village of ‘Azzun, which lies east of Qalqilya. On his way home, he met friend and neighbor Ihab ‘Enayeh, 12, who had also finished working after school at his uncle's metalwork shop. The two boys travelled home together in a donkey cart used to carry vegetables. When they were almost home, three soldiers came out of a nearby olive grove and asked the boys to show them their hands. The soldiers sniffed the boys' palms and clothes, apparently to check whether they smelled like gunpowder, and asked them in Hebrew and in Arabic where they had been a few minutes earlier. It emerged later that the soldiers suspected the two of being involved in a shooting incident that had occurred, according to the soldiers, near ‘Azzun. The soldiers let them go, and each boy entered his house.

A few minutes later, the soldiers knocked on the door of Baraa's home. His father, Hani ‘Enayeh, 41, opened the door. The soldiers ordered him, in Hebrew and in Arabic, to bring all his children to the living room. After they were all in the living room, one of the soldiers insisted that Hani had one more child. Hani understood that he probably meant Ihab, the neighbors’ son. He went with Baraa and the soldiers to look for him next door, but Ihab was not there. The soldiers kept Baraa and his father standing near the house, and began questioning the boy about a shooting that they said had taken place on the main road earlier that afternoon. They demanded to know what he had been doing at the time, using his father as a translator. During the questioning, one of the soldiers took a photograph of Baraa with his mobile phone. When it was over, the soldiers detained father and son outside their home for another two hours.

Hani 'Enayeh, Father of Baraa 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 Feb. 2017At that point, an army jeep drew up and an officer got out. He told Hani that his son was being taken in for interrogation and would be returned when it was over. The officer, who took the father's identification card with him, did not say where he was taking the boy or when he would be returned. In testimony he gave to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 26 Feb. 2017, Hani ‘Enayeh described what happened then:

I told the officer that my son is a young boy and that he’s frightened. I asked them to let me stay with him until the interrogation was over and take him home. The officer refused and led my 13-year-old son a hundred meters away from our house, where he handcuffed and blindfolded him. Then the soldiers put him in a jeep and headed east.

Sanaa Hussein, mother of Ihab 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 22 March, 2017

A few minutes later, another military jeep arrived at the home of Ihab ‘Enayeh. Three soldiers got off the jeep and ordered his mother, Sanaa Hussein, 44, who was sitting on the porch, to open the door. The soldiers entered and searched the second floor, where Sanaa and her children live. Then one of the soldiers told Sanaa to bring the children who were in the house at the time to the second floor living room. Sanaa brought her four children and two small grandchildren there. In testimony she gave to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 16 March 2017, she said:

One of the soldiers asked me about my son, Ihab, and I replied that he wasn’t home. The soldier told me that he had thrown stones on the main road. I defended my son and said he is a minor and does not throw stones. The soldier insisted that I call Ihab on the phone and tell him to come home. He told the soldiers to wait in the house until Ihab returned. In the meantime, my daughter's husband arrived and he told the soldiers in Hebrew that Ihab is a little boy who doesn't throw stones. The three soldiers stayed in our house for about an hour. Then they left and told me that soldiers would come later to arrest Ihab.

The soldiers frightened me very much and I was worried about my son. We were constantly afraid that the soldiers would come back to the house. Ihab stayed that day at his sister's home in the village because he feared he would be arrested, and returned only the next day.

Baraa 'Enayeh, 13. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 Feb. 2017

 

Baraa 'Enayeh, 13. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 Feb. 2017

 

Baraa said in testimony to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 26 Feb. 2017 that during the jeep ride, a soldier asked his name and age and whether he had participated in stone-throwing. According to Baraa, he answered that he doesn’t throw stones. After driving for five to ten minutes, the military jeep reached the gate of the Ma'aleh Shomron settlement, which lies east of ‘Azzun, and the soldiers took Baraa out of the jeep. In his testimony, he said:

The soldiers took off my blindfold, and one of them asked me in Arabic if I recognized the place. I told them that it was the first time I was seeing the area up close, with all the lights and barbed wire fencing. They asked me more questions in English, which I didn't understand, and I answered, 'No'. Then they put me back on the jeep and let me off at the junction leading to the settlement, near Route 55 and the old blocked road, east of ‘Azzun. They took the cable ties off my hands and told me to go home.

The junction is almost a kilometer and a half from our house. I started walking along the road, which was spooky in the dark. I was afraid that wild boars would come out, or that I would run into settlers who might attack me. When I reached the eastern houses of the village I felt relief. I kept going until I reached our house at about eight in the evening. My parents and brothers were very worried. I told them what had happened to me and how I’d returned home along the blocked road.

Baraa's mother, I'timad ‘Enayeh, 34, described in testimony she gave to B'Tselem field researcher Abdulkarim Sadi on 5 March 2017 how it felt to wait at home for her son to return home:

My husband came back inside. We were sad and scared and worried about Baraa. We stayed that way until he returned, on foot, about an hour after they took him. He told us that the soldiers had taken him to the gate of Ma’aleh Shomron, where they questioned him, and then left him near the junction where the old ‘Azzun road meets the road to Ma'aleh Shomron. He came home frightened after walking in the dark on the deserted road. Baraa was scared for the rest of the night because of what happened to him.

View from the outskirts of 'Azzun to the spot where the soldiers abandoned Baraa 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017
View from the outskirts of 'Azzun to the spot where the soldiers abandoned Baraa 'Enayeh. Photo by Abdulkarim Sadi, B'Tselem, 26 March 2017

The grave conduct of the soldiers is illegal. Under the circumstances, there was no basis for "reasonable suspicion of an offense" that could have justified detaining Baraa and his father. The officers and soldiers involved completely ignored the fact that Baraa is thirteen years old and does not speak their language. After being questioned with his father, the he was taken away alone in a jeep, handcuffed and blindfolded. The soldiers did not allow his father to accompany him, and no one took the trouble to explain to the father and son what was about to happen. Later, they abandoned Baraa in the dark about a kilometer and a half away from home, near a settlement, at a spot that Palestinians usually avoid for fear of a confrontation with settlers or with the army. In addition, and again with no basis for reasonable suspicion, the soldiers searched the home of Sanaa Anaya, frightened her children and small grandchildren, and left without arresting anyone.

There can be no justification for such thuggish behavior, which reflects the unchecked power and authority given to soldiers, and the backing they receive. No one will have to answer for the harm to Baraa and his family. This is what life looks under occupation.

 

http://www.btselem.org/harassment/20170328_soldiers_take_boy_and_desert_him_near_village

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1 avril 2017 6 01 /04 /avril /2017 09:30
Publish Date: 2017/03/30
Adalah: 41 years on, Israel persists in discriminatory policies against Palestinian Arabs
 
 
 

HAIFA, March 30, 2017 (WAFA) – As Palestinians inside Israel and around the globe mark the 41st anniversary of Land Day, the Haifa-based Adalah human rights group said Thursday that recent data showed that the Israel Land Authority (ILA) and the Ministry of Construction and Housing persist in their discriminatory policies against Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel in "state land" allocation policy.

Land Day is when Israeli police shot dead six Palestinian Arabs on March 30, 1976 who were protesting Israeli confiscation of their land for the benefit of Jewish towns.

Examining data concerning land tenders published in 2016 by the ILA both in the State of Israel and in the territories occupied since 1967, Adalah also found that the ILA and the ministry also continue to place Palestinian land on the market for mass housing construction in illegal settlements in the 1967 Occupied Territories, and sell property belonging to Palestinian refugees, thereby further obstructing the likelihood for their right of return and land restitution.

In the course of 2016, the ILA published tenders for the construction of 49,903 housing units in Jewish towns (not including 5,528 housing units in mixed cities with both Arab and Jewish populations), in addition to 4,524 housing units in the illegal settlements in the occupied West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights.

By contrast, it published tenders for only for 4,151 housing units in Arab communities in Israel (6.4 percent), although the number of inhabitants in these towns and villages is more than double the number of settlers living in the 1967 Occupied Territories (approximately 1.5 million Arab citizens of Israel, 90 percent of whom live in Arab localities as compared with over 606,000 Jewish settlers).

In addition, Israel published tenders for the construction of 49 industrial zones in 2016; five were in settlements, and nine of the tenders were published for industrial zones in Arab communities. In addition, 42 tenders for the sale of properties belonging to Palestinian refugees were also published, in contravention of international law, said Adalah, the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel.

M.K.

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=JEKoWma70561063914aJEKoWm

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31 mars 2017 5 31 /03 /mars /2017 05:20
Un ministre israélien cherche à établir une base de données des citoyens qui soutiennent le BDS
 
 

De hauts fonctionnaires déclarent que le procureur général s’oppose avec véhémence à la demande du Ministre Gilad Erdan, en soutenant que son ministère n’a aucune compétence légale pour recueillir des renseignements sur les Israéliens.

Barak Ravid, Haaretz, jeudi 30 mars 2017

 

 

 

Le Ministre des Affaires Stratégiques, Gilad Erdan, veut établir une base de données des citoyens israéliens qui sont impliqués dans la promotion et le soutien des boycotts, du désinvestissement et des sanctions (BDS) à l’encontre d’Israël ou des colonies.

De hauts fonctionnaires israéliens ont noté que le Procureur Général, Avichai Mendelblit, est fermement opposé à la proposition d’Erdan, en soutenant que le Ministère des Affaires Stratégiques n’a aucune compétence légale pour recueillir des renseignements sur les citoyens israéliens.

Trois fonctionnaires israéliens connaissant la question ont déclaré que Erdan, qui en sa qualité de ministre des affaires stratégiques est chargé de coordonner la riposte d’Israël au mouvement de BDS, essaie depuis plusieurs mois de faire avancer sa proposition. Erdan a déjà mis en place une unité de renseignement pour recueillir des informations sur les militants étrangers du BDS, mais il veut aussi recueillir des renseignements sur les Israéliens qui sont impliqués, et a discuté de la question avec des fonctionnaires d’autres ministères, surtout du Ministère de la Justice.

Les hauts fonctionnaires ont déclaré que Erdan et son équipe ont précisé que les renseignements seraient principalement rassemblés à partir de sources accessibles — les medias, Internet et les réseaux sociaux tels que Twitter et Facebook. Mais il y a quelques semaines le Procureur Général Adjoint, Avi Licht, a émis un avis juridique selon lequel le ministère d’Erdan n’a aucun pouvoir pour recueillir de tels renseignements sur les citoyens, et a souligné que ceci était interdit même si les renseignements émanaient uniquement de sources accessibles.

La proposition de base de données a été soulevée aussi pendant une réunion, la semaine dernière, du cabinet de sécurité qui traitait de la lutte du gouvernement contre le mouvement de BDS. Un haut fonctionnaire connaissant bien la question qui était en débat a constaté que Erdan avait déclaré qu’il y avait besoin d’une telle base de données dès lors que de nombreux citoyens israéliens sont impliqués dans le soutien à des boycotts à l’encontre d’Israël et coopèrent avec les militants étrangers du BDS contre lesquels agit son ministère.

 

 

 

Un haut fonctionnaire qui a assisté à la réunion du cabinet de sécurité a rappelé qu’ Erdan a déclaré que l’intention n’était pas de rassembler des renseignements sur un grand nombre de personnes, mais uniquement sur les militants « importants“ du BDS, dont il a dit qu’ils comptaient quelques dizaines de personnes. Mais Mendelblit, a déclaré un haut fonctionnaire, a dit aux ministres, dont le Premier Ministre Benjamin Netanyahu, que le seul organisme ayant le pouvoir de recueillir ce type de renseignements sur les Israéliens est le service de sécurité du Shin Bet, et que “l’installation d’une telle base de données en recueillant de la documentation sur les citoyens israéliens affaiblirait le respect de leur vie privée.”

« Certains des ministres dans l’assistance ont exprimé de la surprise devant l’opposition du procureur général et n’ont pas compris ce qui posait problème dans le fait de recueillir des renseignements qui étaient déjà publics, » a déclaré le fonctionnaire.

Ni Erdan ni le Ministère des Affaires Stratégiques ne devraient réagir à ces informations.

L’initiative d’Erdan est la dernière d’une série de décisions prises par son ministère contre les militants du BDS. En août de l’année dernière, Erdan et le Ministre de l’Intéreur, Arye Dery, ont mis sur pied une équipe commune pour empêcher les militants étrangers du BDS d’entrer en Israël et pour expulser les militants étrangers du BDS se trouvant en Israël. Erdan a déclaré alors que l’un des objectifs de l’équipe était de recueillir des renseignements pour faciliter l’identification des militants du BDS venus du monde entier, de rassembler des preuves et de préparer des dossiers juridiques qui permettraient leur expulsion.

En décembre, Erdan a suggéré au Ministre des Finances, Moshe Kahlon, de fonder une commission pour dresser une liste noire des sociétés, des associations, et même des personnes qui, régulièrement et méthodiquement appellent à des boycotts à l’encontre d’Israël ou des colonies de Cisjordanie. Erdan a proposé que soient imposées, à ces sociétés et organismes inscrits sur la liste noire, des sanctions, comme par exemple qu’il leur soit interdit de soumissionner aux appels d’offres du gouvernement.

Erdan et son bureau, de même que le Ministre de l’Intérieur, ont été impliqués dans l’adoption au début de ce mois de la nouvelle loi qui interdit aux personnes qui soutiennent un boycott d’Israël ou des colonies d’entrer dans le pays.

La législatrice Michal Rozin (Meretz - parti sioniste de gauche qui soutient le principe de "deux peuples, deux états", NDLR) a répliqué à ce rapport, en qualifiants les actions d’Erdan appelant à rassembler des renseignements sur des citoyens israéliens de « Mac Carthystes, immorales et illégales."

« Erdan sent l’odeur des élections et découvre de nouvelles initiatives de traque des citoyens, » a-t-elle déclaré. « La collecte de renseignements n’est pas conforme aux valeurs de la démocratie et de la loi et il est bon que le procureur général s’y oppose vigoureusement. Le vocable d’Erdan apparaît comme particulièrement extrême et populiste, allant de la provocation et des mensonges d’incendies volontaires et de terreur à la persécution politique contre l’expression politique qui ne s’aligne pas sur le droit du colon."

La législatrice israélienne Tamar Zandberg (Meretz) s’est interrogée, "Gilad Erdan a-t-il hésité un instant avant de décider de faire de son ministère un outil pour traquer les citoyens ? Nous sommes las d’alerter et de nous comparer aux dictatures mais il semble que nous n’ayons pas le choix quand nous sommes témoins d’une longue suite de démarches destinées à tuer la liberté de pensée et le droit de critique et de choix politique. Toutes les actions du gouvernement font partie de la même offensive en tenailles qui décide pour le citoyen ce qu’il doit penser et quelle opinion politique soutenir."

Traduit de l’anglais par Y. Jardin pour l’AFPS

 

lien conduisant au texte original (anglais) de l'article : http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.778516

 

http://www.france-palestine.org/Un-ministre-israelien-cherche-a-etablir-une-base-de-donnees-des-citoyens-qui

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31 mars 2017 5 31 /03 /mars /2017 05:03
Police: Calling for settlement boycott - not illegal
 
 

Some time ago, the right-wing Knesset majority enacted the "Boycott Law" making it possible to file a civil suit and demand heavy compensation from anyone calling for a boycott of Israel - and incidentally, also call for a boycott of the settlements was declared to be “a form of boycotting Israel”. A more recent law empowers Israel’s border control officials to deny entry to all foreign nationals calling for a boycott of Israel - and again, there was added the stipulation that also a call to boycott the settlements counts as such. There were further measures in the same direction, for example the Minister of Culture threatening to cut funding to theaters which would refuse to perform in settlements. Still, the call for a boycott does not constitute (as of now…) a criminal offense under Israeli law.

Thus, police last week briefly detained the veteran activist Jeff Halper on the suspicion of spreading BDS material – and had to release him in confusion, when it emerged that a call for boycott – either a settlement boycott or a comprehensive boycott of Israel - does not constitute a violation of any law of the State of Israel.

In the same context, Gush Shalom (the Israeli Peace Bloc) managed to obtain a written confirmation from the Israel Police, stating explicitly that there is no criminal offense in calling for a boycott. Therefore, the Judea and Samaria Police District will not conduct any investigation of the complaint lodged by the extreme-right “Im Tirzu” group against Gush Shalom, since the complaint did not point to any "criminal culpability." The complaint in question was filed last November by Ram Frangi, head of the “Im Tirzu” student group at the settlers’ Ariel University, and it was filed by the police under serial number 516101/2016. Frangi had asserted that Gush Shalom had called for a boycott of Ariel University, and that this constituted a violation of the "Boycott Law", and therefore asked the police to open a criminal investigation.

The complaint against Gush Shalom was published in several settler and extreme right news websites, but Gush Shalom did not get any invitation for interrogation, nor was anything at all heard from the police themselves. Therefore, Gush Shalom approached the police via Att. Limor Wolf of the Gaby Lasky Law Office, and asked them to clarify where things stand. It took several months since the “Im Tirzu” complaint before the Gush Shalom attorneys finally obtained an official written reply from Superintendent Moti Shushan, of the Public Affairs Office of the Judea and Samaria Police Ddistrict. The letter confirmed that the police had not opened any investigation, since the “Im Tirzu” complaint had not provided any prima facie evidence of “an act bearing criminal culpability".

The whole affair started when settler University of Ariel held an international academic conference entitled “Modern Jewish Existence in a World of Threats and Hostility”. Gush Shalom spokesperson Adam Keller sent letters to lecturers and researchers from abroad (mostly from Eastern Europe) who were invited to participate in this conference. In his letters to the foreign academics, Keller noted that “The University of Ariel, like any other institute founded with the stated purpose of promoting academic learning and scientific knowledge, is obliged to keep and maintain standards of factual accuracy in its publications. Yet the conference program, in which your name and intended lecture appears, includes a glaring factual mistake – i.e., the location of the conference is given as ‘Ariel, Israel’.

“That designation is obviously and manifestly wrong. The University of Ariel is not located in the territory of the State of Israel. Rather, it is located at a settlement enclave erected in the territory which Israel has conquered in 1967, which Israel holds under military rule over the past fifty years, and which Israel had never annexed. Not a single country in the world recognizes the territory in which Ariel is located as being part of Israel. More than that: the State of Israel itself, never having annexed it, does not recognize Ariel and the territory around it as being part of Israel.

“It is important for you to know that by participating in this conference you would not only be taking part in academic activity, imparting from your knowledge and expertise to a much-needed discussion on the situation and future of the Jewish People. By participating in this conference you would also be taking a major political action. Whether or not you are aware of it, by taking part in a conference at the Ariel University, under the false heading “Ariel, Israel”, you would be taking sides in a hot political controversy. Indeed, you would be taking sides on the issue most deeply debated between Israel and the International Community, between Israel and the Palestinians. It is also the issue most hotly debated between the political factions and parties inside the Israeli society itself.

“As a person devoted to academic probity and precision, you should not act without being in possession of full information.“

Dr. Edyta Gawron, an Assistant Professor at the Institute of Jewish Studies in the Jagiellonian University of Krakow, Poland, informed Gush Shalom that she had canceled her participation at the conference and asked the Ariel University to remove her name from the program. "Dr. Gawron is a renowned academic, teaching at one of the oldest and most prestigious universities in Europe "says Keller. "She had decided to devote her life to the study of Jewish history and culture in Poland and does not hesitate to also uncover dark pages in the history of her own country. When she realized the political implications repercussions of attending a conference at a university located in a settlement enclave in Occupied Territory, she chose not to go there. It was her personal decision, as a thinker endowed with integrity and conscience. This is the background to the police complaint filed against us by ‘Im Tirzu’ - a complaint proved groundless. "

According to the legal advice which "Gush Shalom" got, the text of the "Boycott Law" does leave “Im Tirzu” the option of filing a civil suit rather than a criminal complaint. "Of course, this would require them to work much harder. Instead of a snap visit to the police and filing a frivolous complaint, followed by sending an inflammatory press release to their friendly extreme right news websites, they would have to hire a lawyer and try to formulate a serious case against us which would stand a judicial review," says Keller. "They should think twice before entering into such an enterprise. If it gets to court, we will just produce as evidence the letter in question. We have written to the foreign academics that ‘Israeli law sets out a very specific juridical procedure which needs to be undertaken in order to apply Israeli law and sovereignty. To achieve that, the government of Israel must submit an Annexation Bill to the Knesset (Parliament), and it must be approved in three readings; then and only then does the territory in question become part of Israel under Israel’s own law. It is an undisputed fact that none of the governments which ruled Israel since 1967 has seen fit to apply this procedure to the territory where Ariel is located, variously named “The West Bank” or “Judea and Samaria”. That territory was and remains an Occupied Territory under International Law. To the contrary, all Israeli governments since 1967 – including the present one, under Mr. Netanyahu – have repeatedly reiterated that under some circumstances they might relinquish Israeli rule over that territory. The designation Ariel, Israel is a factual error – of which the university administration must be well aware’. All of that is manifestly true – and thus, we have done nothing more than make the foreign academics aware of the true situation”.

 

http://zope.gush-shalom.org/home/en/events/1464389870

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mercredi 29 mars 2017 15:33

Palestine : De grands groupes financiers français financent la colonisation israélienne (rapport)

     

     

    Intitulé « les liaisons dangereuses des banques et assurances françaises avec la colonisation israélienne », le rapport affirme que ces groupes financiers français ont plusieurs participations minoritaires, de manière directe ou indirecte, dans des banques ou entreprises actives dans les colonies israéliennes.

     

     

    De grands groupes financiers français ont été mis en cause dans le financement de la colonisation des terres palestinienne dans un rapport publié ce mercredi par un regroupement d’ONG et de syndicats. Il s’agit des banques BNP Paribas, Crédit agricole, Société générale, BPCE et l’assureur Axa.

    Selon ce rapport, relayé par la Fédération internationale des droits de l'Homme (FIDH) intitulé « les liaisons dangereuses des banques et assurances françaises avec la colonisation israélienne », ces groupes financiers français ont plusieurs participations minoritaires, de manière directe ou indirecte, dans des banques ou entreprises actives dans les colonies israéliennes.

    « Au- delà de ces participations, ces sociétés financent des projets d’entreprises directement impliquées dans la colonisation. Ce fut notamment le cas lors de l’octroi d’un prêt en 2004 de 288 millions d’euros par un consortium de banques (dont BNP Paribas, Société Générale, Crédit Lyonnais et Natixis), à l’Israel Electric Corporation (IEC). Cette entreprise approvisionne directement les colonies en électricité », explique-t-on.

    La colonisation israélienne qui dure depuis 50 ans est illégale au regard du droit international. Dans la continuité de ses résolutions antérieures, le Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU a adopté le 23 décembre 2016 la résolution 2334, exigeant notamment d’Israël « qu’il arrête immédiatement et complètement toutes ses activités de peuplement dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est », rappelle la FIDH.

    "On veut que les entreprises françaises retirent leur argent des sociétés israéliennes ayant à voir avec les colonies", comme le stipulent des "recommandations" du ministère des Affaires étrangères publiées en 2014, a expliqué à l’AFP Didier Fagart, un membre de l'association France Palestine solidarité, également co-auteure du rapport.

     

    http://www.maghrebemergent.com/actualite/internationale/71464-palestine-de-grands-groupes-financiers-francais-financent-la-colonisation-israelienne.html

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