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4 juillet 2017 2 04 /07 /juillet /2017 09:19

Israël arrête de nouveau une députée palestinienne

 
AFP

 

 

La députée palestinienne Khalida Jarrar, accusée d'activités au sein d'une organisation considérée comme "terroriste" par Israël, a de nouveau été arrêtée en Cisjordanie occupée, 13 mois après sa sortie de prison, a annoncé dimanche l'armée israélienne.

Khalida Jarrar (54 ans), une des figures les plus connues du Front populaire de libération de la Palestine (FPLP), avait été libérée en juin 2016 après avoir passé 14 mois dans une prison israélienne pour avoir, selon l'Etat hébreu, encouragé des attaques contre des Israéliens. Elle a été arrêtée dans la région de Ramallah en Cisjordanie.

Le FPLP est une formation de la gauche historique palestinienne considérée comme terroriste par Israël. De nombreux responsables de cette organisation d'inspiration marxiste ont été arrêtés à de multiples reprises.

Selon l'armée israélienne, "après sa libération, Khalida Jarrar a repris ses activités au sein de l'organisation terroriste du FPLP" dont elle serait une des dirigeantes en Cisjordanie. "Elle a été appréhendée parce qu'elle a repris ses activités au FPLP et non en raison de son statut de membre" du Conseil législatif palestinien (Parlement), a ajouté l'armée. Khalida Jarrar est membre du Parlement palestinien élu en 2007.
Plusieurs députés palestiniens sont actuellement détenus par Israël.

L'ONG palestinienne Addameer a précisé qu'au cours du même raid, une dizaine d'autres personnes avaient été arrêtées par les forces israéliennes, dont Khitam Saafin, présidente de l'Union des comités pour les femmes palestiniennes.

 

https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1060205/israel-arrete-de-nouveau-une-deputee-palestinienne.html

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4 juillet 2017 2 04 /07 /juillet /2017 09:17

Don’t historicize the Balfour Declaration: The past is still the Palestinians’ present

 
 
 
 
July 3, 2017 8:36 P.M. (Updated: July 3, 2017 8:36 P.M.)
 
 
 
By: Al-Shabaka

 

Al-Shabaka is an independent non-profit organization whose mission is to educate and foster public debate on Palestinian human rights and self-determination within the framework of international law. This abridged report, written by Al-Shabaka policy member Yara Hawari, looks at the United Kingdom’s ongoing responsibility vis-a-vis the Palestinian cause a century after the Balfour Declaration. The report can be read in full here.

 

The political turmoil in the United Kingdom following Prime Minister Theresa May’s re-election with a reduced, precarious majority and the implications for the UK’s negotiations to leave the European Union have overshadowed Britain’s other foreign policy concerns. Among other repercussions, it casts doubt on the way in which the UK will mark the centennial of the Balfour Declaration later this year. As is well known, the fateful letter, signed by Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour on Nov. 2, 1917, promised British support of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, completely disregarding the sovereign rights of the Palestinian people who lived there.

 

Prior to the elections, May had described the declaration as “one of the most important letters in history” during a speech to a Conservative Friends of Israel meeting, and said it was “an anniversary we will be marking with pride.” May’s comments suggested that the British embassy in Tel Aviv would host a large celebration to honor the occasion. In addition, Israeli President Reuven Rivlin invited the royal family for an official state visit to coincide with the anniversary. Though the Queen is unlikely to travel, Prince Charles may attend.

 

Now it is an open question as to whether May -- or indeed the Conservative Party -- can stay in power. This provides the Palestinians with an opportune moment to regroup in their efforts, hitherto unsuccessful, to use the Balfour centennial to begin to address Britain’s century of ill-treatment toward the Palestinians.

 

This commentary traces Britain’s treatment of Palestine and the Palestinians since the time of Balfour’s letter, demonstrating a largely consistent pro-Israel stance over the decades, and concludes with recommendations regarding the kind of apology Palestinians should demand of Britain in light of these past and current events.
 

 

One Hundred Years of Bias

 

Theresa May’s fawning to the Conservative Friends of Israel came as no surprise. Britain’s involvement in Israel and Palestine has consisted of an almost unwavering support for the Zionist project since its colonial inception. Despite claims of a commitment to peace, Britain has shown that it is Israel’s ally first and foremost. This can be seen in its continued arms trade with Israel, despite resultant complicity in Israeli war crimes. Britain has also failed to sanction Israel for its continued settlement building in the West Bank, which has doubled since the Oslo Accords, with over half a million settlers in areas that would constitute a Palestinian state. Moreover, the British government continues to demonize the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS), the global nonviolent grassroots campaign for Palestinian rights.

 

A century ago, Christian Zionist ideology, which sought to facilitate the return of Jews to the Holy Land to fulfill a biblical prophecy, guided Britain’s political elite. This cadre included the prime minister, Lloyd George, who led the coalition government. Just over a month after the Balfour Declaration, General Edmund Allenby took Jerusalem from the Ottoman forces, marking the beginning of British colonial rule in Palestine. Though this rule ended at the establishment of the State of Israel in May 1948 and the forcible displacement of and denial of return to the majority of the Palestinian population, British interference in Palestine would continue thanks to Britain’s unwavering commitment to Zionism.

 

Zionism found support in the British Labour Party, which was sympathetic to a movement it saw as a socialist Jewish liberation project. It is thus unsurprising that the party publicly supported the Balfour Declaration. However, after the 1967 occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Golan Heights, more critical voices began to emerge. This coincided with international recognition of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and Israel’s shift to the right.

 

Under Tony Blair’s rebranded “New Labour,” the party renewed its support for Israel. In fact, Israel’s most ardent supporter in recent British politics is Blair, who from the very beginning of his political career in the early 1980s, was a member of the pro-Israel lobby group Labour Friends of Israel (LFI). During his premiership he visited Israel several times, and counted Lord Michael Levy, a staunch Zionist, among his closest advisers and biggest fundraisers.

 

Under Blair’s successor, Gordon Brown, human rights activists brought attention to Britain’s relations and particularly its military trade with Israel during Israel’s 2008-2009 Cast Lead offensive in Gaza. A 2014 parliamentary report confirmed that the Israeli army used weapons from the UK in its attacks, which killed over 1,400 Palestinians, most of them civilians. Yet calls from activists demanding that the UK cease its arms trade with Israel have come to naught, and relations between Britain and Israel continue unabated.

 

The current Labour leader, Jeremy Corbyn, has a different stance on Palestine. He has been hounded for his decades of support for the Palestinian cause, particularly for his affiliation with the Palestine Solidarity Campaign. Critics dubbed him a Hamas supporter and an anti-Semite. After his election, the party endured an anti-Semitism scandal that saw the suspension of several party members, including Jewish activist Jackie Walker, who in a Facebook post referred to the African slave trade as a holocaust. Corbyn subsequently launched an inquiry headed by the barrister and human rights advocate Shami Chakrabarti. The inquiry published its report in June of 2016 and confirmed that despite these claims, Labour is not overrun by anti-Semitism. Many saw the scandal as part of an ongoing attempt by pro-Israel and pro-Blair figures to weaken and undermine Corbyn. Overall, it demonstrates how serious it is for a leading British political figure to take a pro-Palestine stance.
 

 

The Kind of Apology Palestinians Need and Deserve

 

The Balfour Declaration has shaped the Palestinian experience. The signing over of Palestine to a European settler colonial enterprise and the disregard for the rights of the indigenous people is the essence of the Palestinian condition. This disregard continues today, manifested in the charade of the “peace process,” which allows Israel to continue its expropriation of Palestinian land and expansion of a Jewish state while simultaneously professing its pursuit of “peace.”

 

British officials have a common refrain when they discuss Balfour and the 1948 Nakba: They often state that Palestinians should stop talking about the past and instead focus on the future. This call for the dismissal of past events as bygones is a tactic often invoked by those in positions of power in peace process discourses around the world, particularly in contexts of colonialism and settler colonialism. However, when the past infiltrates the present, as is the case for every Palestinian, whether in Ramallah, Haifa, the Burj al-Barajneh refugee camp in Lebanon, or the wider diaspora, the demand to forget is impossible.

 

Palestinians rightly desire a British apology for the letter that helped birth this ongoing oppression. However, initiatives in pursuit of this goal must be wary of several pitfalls. First, using a discourse, as some Palestinians do, that stresses that the Balfour Declaration has not fulfilled its obligations to the Palestinian people is problematic, as it suggests that the document holds legitimacy. The declaration was a colonial document that gave legitimacy to a settler colonial project and as such, Palestinians should not use it to further their struggle or to claim their human rights.

 

Second, while an apology is important, it must not come as an empty, symbolic gesture, as has happened in many other colonial contexts. Indeed, scholars have written about the limitations of settler state apologies, arguing that in most cases these apologies neutralize the historical narrative while simultaneously ignoring the ongoing oppressive relationship between the state and the indigenous people. An apology must therefore come with the recognition that the past is not in the past, that the settler colonial project is ongoing, and that Britain continues to be complicit in the suffering of the Palestinians through its diplomatic and trade relations with Israel.

 

As such, any apology campaign must also demand British policy changes that would sanction Israel and hold it to account for its international human rights violations. In this way, the Balfour Declaration would not be historicized as a thing of the past, but would be revealed as a document whose legacy continues to have drastic and devastating consequences for the Palestinian people. Until the British government reconsiders its largely default position and makes a commitment to real policy change, it will continue to propagate the destructive and repressive decision it made a century ago.

 

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect Ma'an News Agency's editorial Policy.
 
 
 
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4 juillet 2017 2 04 /07 /juillet /2017 09:08
Publish Date: 2017/07/03
Israel determined to destroy peace efforts with its settlement activities, says PLO official
 
 
 

RAMALLAH, July 3, 2017 (WAFA) – Israel is determined to destroy all peace efforts, including the recent attempts by the US administration to revive Palestinian-Israel peace talks, with its settlement plans, a senior Palestinian official said on Monday.

Saleh Rafat, member of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), told Voice of Palestine radio that the Israeli government's recent settlement activities, the latest of which was the approval of a settlement plan on private Palestinian land, aims at destroying the two-state solution.

“The occupation government wants to consolidate its colonization of the occupied Palestinian territories with the construction of new settlements,” he said, explaining that the Palestinian leadership is continuing with its efforts to put a stop to these activities before they make the two-state solution something of the past.

Rafat urged the international community to pressure Israel to stop these settlement plans.

The Israeli government recently approved the construction of a new settlement near Ramallah to house settlers removed from another controversial settlement.

It also approved the construction of tens of thousands of new housing units in existing settlements throughout the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

The international community regards all settlements built on land occupied in June 1967 as illegal under international law and calls on Israel to remove them.

M.N./M.K.

 

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=RMdu0ha91220766285aRMdu0h

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4 juillet 2017 2 04 /07 /juillet /2017 09:06

Crise du golfe

Le Qatar rejette les demandes de ses voisins

Taille du texte normaleAgrandir la taille du texte

le 03.07.17 | 12h00     

Le ministre des Affaires étrangères du Qatar Mohammed Ben Abderrahmane Al-Thani 
	 

 
 
Le ministre des Affaires étrangères du Qatar  ministre des Affaires étrangères du Qatar Mohammed Ben Abderrahmane Al-Thani
 
 

Le Qatar a rejeté les conditions posées par l’Arabie saoudite et ses alliés pour lever les sanctions diplomatiques et économiques qui le frappent depuis le début du mois dernier.

«La liste de demandes est faite pour être rejetée», a déclaré samedi le ministre des Affaires étrangères du Qatar Mohammed Ben Abderrahmane Al-Thani à Rome, cité par l’AFP. Et d’ajouter : «Tout le monde est conscient que ces demandes sont destinées à empiéter sur la souveraineté de l’Etat du Qatar».

Le 5 juin, l’Arabie saoudite, Bahreïn, les Emirats arabes unis, le Yémen et l’Egypte  annoncent la rupture des relations diplomatiques avec le Qatar. Ruptures suivies de mesures économiques comme la fermeture des frontières terrestres et maritimes, ainsi que des interdictions de survol aux compagnies aériennes qataries.

Aussi, Doha est exclu de la coalition militaire arabe menée par Ryadh qui combat au Yémen les rebelles Houthis. Il lui est reproché de soutenir des groupes islamistes radicaux et ses rapports avec l’Iran. Qatar rejette ces allégations et relève que nul n’a le droit de lui dicter sa politique étrangère. Il accuse à son tour ses voisins de vouloir le mettre «sous tutelle» et de l’étouffer économiquement.
Pour mettre fin à cette crise, l’Arabie Saoudite, les Émirats arabes unis, l’Égypte et Bahreïn somment le Qatar de se conformer à une liste d’exigences qui lui est transmise le 22 juin par l’intermédiaire du Koweit. Doha devait donner sa réponse dans les 10 jours.

Le délai a expiré hier. Ces conditions consistent en résumé en la fermeture de la chaîne Al-Jazeera, la réduction des relations avec l’Iran et la fermeture d’une base militaire turque et auxquelles Aussi,  Doha est exhorté à rompre avec les groupes islamistes, y compris les Frères musulmans, placés sur une liste d’organisations «terroristes» par l’Arabie Saoudite et ses alliés et  d’extrader des figures des oppositions   islamistes réfugiés à Doha.

L’émirat accueille depuis longtemps des leaders des Frères musulmans à l’exemple de  leur chef spirituel Youssef Al-Qaradaoui et Khaled Mechaal, ancien dirigeant du mouvement palestinien Hamas lié à la confrérie.     
Cela dit, l’hostilité à l’égard de l’Iran n’est pas partagée par tous les voisins de l’Arabie saoudite dans le Golfe. Oman et le Koweït conservent de bons rapports avec l’Iran et les   Emirats arabes unis entretiennent  de fortes relations commerciales avec la République islamique. Comme ils ont renoué le dialogue avec Téhéran  alors qu’ils ont des différends territoriaux. Il s’agit des îles Abou Moussa, de la Petite et la Grande Tomb, sous souveraineté iranienne depuis 1971 et revendiquées par Abu Dhabi.

Le Qatar et l’Iran partagent le champ gazier de Pars Sud, Ainsi, les deux pays tiennent à renforcer leur coopération concernant le champ gazier. Quand l’Arabie saoudite a fermé le seul accès terrestre du Qatar avec le monde extérieur, essentiel pour l’importation de ses produits alimentaires, l’Iran s’est empressé d’approvisionner ce pays par voie maritime.
 

Divergences

Indépendant en 1971,Qatar a entretenu  des relations de bon voisinage  avec l’Iran. Il faut attendre les années 1980 pour observer une distanciation entre Doha et Téhéran au moment où l’ensemble des pays de la région se rapprochent alors de Ryadh par crainte d’une diffusion de l’islamisme révolutionnaire. En effet, suite à l’invasion de l’Afghanistan par l’Union soviétique et à la Révolution iranienne en 1979 est créé 1981 le Conseil de coopération du Golfe (CCG). Il regroupe l’Arabie Saoudite, Bahreïn, Emirats arabes unis, Koweït, Qatar et Oman avec comme  objectif  la coordination, l’intégration et la coopération des Etats membres dans les domaines économique, social, culturel et militaire.

Dans ce cadre, les six pays membres ont mis sur pied, en 1984, une force commune d’intervention appelée «Bouclier de la péninsule». Avec l’Occident, ils ont soutenu l’Irak de Saddam Hussein dans sa guerre contre l’Iran. Et cela, par souci d’affaiblir Téhéran qui constitue aux yeux de ces monarchies une menace pour leur sécurité. Cependant, l’invasion du Koweït en 1990 par l’Irak  a mis en relief la vulnérabilité de ces monarchies face à leurs voisins. Le Koweït a été libéré par la coalition internationale menée par les Etats-Unis. Ce qui démontre encore une fois que Washington reste le garant de la sécurité de ces royaumes.Le 5 mars 2014, trois pays membres du CCG (Arabie Saoudite, Emirats arabes unis et Bahreïn) décident de rappeler leurs ambassadeurs respectifs au Qatar.

Dans un communiqué rendu public le même jour, les trois pays indiquent avoir «fourni de grands efforts pour négocier avec le Qatar à tous les niveaux et pour arriver à une politique commune» et «garantir les principes de non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures des Etats membres» du CCG. Ils demandent à leur voisin «de ne soutenir aucun mouvement dont le but est de menacer la sécurité et la stabilité des Etat membres».

En fait, les trois pays reprochent à leur voisin qatari de soutenir la confrérie des Frères musulmans, considérée comme un danger pour leur sécurité. Ryadh et Abu Dhabi ont approuvé le coup d’Etat de l’armée égyptienne du 3 juillet 2013 qui a provoqué la chute du président islamiste Mohamed Morsi, contrairement au Qatar, qui l’a condamné. Deux membres du CCG ont refusé de signer le communiqué. Il s’agit du Koweït, qui a tenté des médiations entre Ryadh et Doha, mais ne souhaite pas aller plus loin. Ensuite Oman, qui a aussi refusé de soutenir le projet d’union des pays arabes du Golfe initié par Ryadh. Outre la méfiance des ambitions hégémoniques du royaume wahhabite dans la région, Mascate critique sa dimension ethnique et confessionnelle.

 

Il s’agit d’une coalition arabe sunnite dirigée contre l’Iran perse et chiite. Pour Mascate, intégrer ce projet signifie soutenir Ryadh contre Téhéran et remettre ainsi en cause sa politique de bon voisinage et d’échanges de part et d’autre du détroit d’Ormuz. Se ranger aux côtés de Ryadh face à Téhéran serait en outre cautionner la fracture confessionnelle entre sunnites et chiites qu’entretient l’hostilité de l’Arabie Saoudite à l’égard de l’Iran, avec les conséquences que vivent l’Irak, la Syrie, le Liban et le Yémen. En parallèle Oman veille à garder de bonnes relations avec Washington.
Le sultanat, dont la majorité de la population est ibadite, a abrité les pourparlers secrets entre l’Iran et les Etats-Unis ayant abouti à l’accord intérimaire conclu en novembre 2013 à Genève. Accord qui limite pour six mois les activités nucléaires iraniennes en échange d’une levée partielle des sanctions économiques occidentales. D’où l’irritation de Ryadh. De tradition, Oman a toujours mené une politique indépendante par rapport à ses voisins. Le sultanat d’Oman est la seule des six monarchies du Golfe à ne pas prendre part à la coalition arabe menée par le royaume wahhabite au Yémen. AMNAY IDIR

http://www.elwatan.com/international/le-qatar-rejette-les-demandes-de-ses-voisins-03-07-2017-348313_112.php

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3 juillet 2017 1 03 /07 /juillet /2017 09:46
 
 
| Amira Hass pour Haaretz |Actualités

Netherlands’ Foreign Ministry requested Israel return equipment it confiscated, valued at over 40,000 euro ; Israel failed to hand out demolition orders in advance

The Dutch government has lodged a protest with Israel over the confiscation of equipment donated to the Palestinian village of Jubbet Adh-Dhib’s hybrid power system (diesel and solar powered), according to a written statement of the Dutch foreign ministry, sent to Haaretz by the Netherlands’ office in Ramallah

The Dutch government donated 500 thousand euros to the electrification project south west of Bethlehem in the West Bank, 350 thousand euro of which went to the electrification of Jubbet Adh-Dhib. The Dutch Foreign ministry had requested Israel return the equipment and is « currently assessing what next steps can be taken, » it said.

A source close to Dutch diplomats in the West Bank told Haaretz that these softly worded statements cover the anger brewing in the government of the Netherlands, a close friend of Israel’s, at the damage to the humanitarian project.

On Wednesday morning, officials from the Civil Administration (the Israeli body governing Area C in the West Bank) confiscated 96 solar panels and electronic equipment belonging to Jubbet Adh-Dhib’s electric system. The system was installed by the Israeli-Palestinian organization Comet-ME nine months ago, and was funded by the Dutch.

According to Comet-ME, which builds water and energy systems for Palestinians, the equipment not confiscated in the raid was damaged. The cost of the confiscated and damaged equipment is valued at 40 thousand euros, though the material and social damage is much greater, as their seizure immediately resulted in the loss of power for the 30 families in the village and its public buildings.

Cease work and demolition orders were not served to residents prior to the raid, as is required by planning and construction laws. Orders to cease construction and confiscation orders were given to the residents only during the raid itself. Had orders been given in advance the village and its representatives could have taken administrative or legal action.

Jubbet Adh-Dhib was founded in 1929. It is located in what the Oslo Accords designate as Area C, an under administrative and military Israeli control. Since 1988 the village requested that the Civil Administration connected it to the power grid, but had been denied. In 2009, the Civil Administration confiscated a solar powered public lighting system. Since then the village has received a couple of noisy and polluting generators from aid organizations, which supply power for three hours a day. A number of unauthorized Israeli outposts were founded near the village that enjoy a connection to the power grid and access to other infrastructure.

Comet-ME is an Israeli-Palestinian organization providing basic energy and clean-water services to off-grid communities using environmentally and socially sustainable methods. Comet-Me says its efforts in Jubbet Adh-Dhib are one of the organization’s most ambitious projects. It was implemented with the assistance of the 160-resident town’s women’s committee. The town, whose economy used to be based on farming and animal husbandry, is now largely dependent on the wages of most of the town’s men, who work in Israel. The women of the committee told Comet-ME that they hoped to draw back to the village those who left because of the harsh living conditions created by the lack of electricity and construction permits, and to use the electricity to increase the level of education and learning in their community.

Attorney Michael Sfard, Comet-ME’s legal adviser, told Haaretz that the confiscation constituted « an explicit violation of international law, which forbids occupying powers to damage humanitarian installations without providing alternatives. »

The spokesperson of the Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories issued a response saying : « (On Wednesday) solar panels and electric panels that were installed without first obtaining the proper permits were confiscated in Jubbet Adh-Dhib. In addition, an order to stop work on an illegal electrical room in the location and panel holders was also given. We stress that the town has other sources of electricity, » they said, likely in reference to the village’s generators.

 

 

http://www.aurdip.fr/dutch-protest-israeli-seizure-of.html

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3 juillet 2017 1 03 /07 /juillet /2017 09:41

B'Tselem: Israeli army continues to disrupt life for residents of Deir Abu Mashaal

 
 
 
 
July 1, 2017 12:20 P.M. (Updated: July 1, 2017 9:35 P.M.)
 
 
Israeli soldiers inspect a Palestinian ambulance on its way to Jerusalem at the West Bank army checkpoint of Qalandiya (AFP/ Leila Gorchev/File)
 
 
BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) -- Israeli authorities have continued to implement restrictive policies on Palestinians in Deir Abu Mashaal in the central occupied West Bank district of Ramallah, after three residents of the town were shot dead last month after allegedly carrying out a deadly attack near Damascus Gate in occupied East Jerusalem, which killed an Israeli police officer, B'Tselem reported on Thursday.

After it was revealed that the three alleged assailants -- Baraa Ibrahim Saleh, 18, Adel Hassan Ahmad Ankoush, 18, and Usama Ahmad Ata, 19 -- were from the village of Deir Abu Mashaal, the town was subsequently placed under lockdown, and was subjected to multiple military raids.

Based on field research conducted in the village, B'Tselem reported that, on the night of the attack, Israeli forces installed an iron gate at the entrance of the village and erected large rocks and piles of dirt on three dirt roads used by villagers, and refused to allow any Palestinian from leaving or entering the area, putting the village under a complete siege.

Locals removed some of the obstacles in order to drive out of the village, as many residents are dependent on work in Ramallah city.

Over the following days, B’Tselem reported, the Israeli army continuously obstructed commuters' efforts to free up the roads by erecting fresh blockades.

Three days following the attack, Israeli forces permitted residents to leave the village on foot from the main entrance. However, Palestinian men between the ages of 15 and 25 continued to be barred from exiting or entering the village.

The following day, Israeli forces permitted cars to pass through the main entrance, but Palestinians were subject to extensive security checks, B’Tselem reported, and men between 15 and 25 had continued to be banned.

Five days later, on June 24, at the start of the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Fitr that directly follows the holy month of Ramadan, Israeli forces began lessening the restrictions and allowing residents to travel by car more easily, BTselem said.

However, B’Tselem noted that the iron gate erected following the attack remains at the main entrance of the village, and Israeli forces continue to be stationed there performing random security checks on passing Palestinian vehicles.

Immediately following the attack, Israeli authorities also took measurements of the homes of the alleged assailants in preparations for punitive demolitions, which the families had been informed would be carried out “soon.”

According to the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, a total of 22 people, the three mens’ family members, will be left homeless by the punitive demolitions in spite of not having been charged with any wrongdoing.

Some 250,000 Palestinians who had received family visitation permits to enter Jerusalem and Israel during Ramadan also saw their permits revoked following the attack.

In addition, family members of the alleged assailants had their Israeli work permits revoked as a punitive measure. B’Tselem reported that this included 50 residents from the assailants’ extended families who were dependent on work inside Israel.

B’Tselem also noted that the permits had been revoked by Israeli authorities when members of the families had attempted to pass the Israeli-erected checkpoint en route to their work in Israel. The revocation occurred without any prior notice that would have allowed the families to

challenge the decision, B’Tselem pointed out.

Israeli forces also carried out frequent army raids on the village and detained the mother of 18-year-old Ankoush on June 21. According to B’tselem, she is still in Israeli custody.

Ankoush’s father Hassan was also detained during an overnight raid on June 29.

The Israeli raids have also erupted into clashes with Israeli forces and the Palestinian residents, B’Tselem highlighted, resulting in at least four young Palestinian men being hurt by Israeli forces.

Meanwhile, the bodies of the three alleged assailants have continued to be held by Israeli authorities, as Israel is known to withhold Palestinian bodies from their families for extended periods of time after they have carried out an attack, alleging that funerals of “martyrs” -- Palestinians killed by Israeli forces -- encourage “incitement” against the Israeli state.

However, Palestinians have long claimed that the policy is a form of "collective punishment," targeting the families of actual or alleged Palestinian attackers, while also preventing families of slain Palestinians from requesting proper autopsies on their loved ones, as the bodies returned are often damaged and disfigured.

“For almost two weeks now, ever since the attack, the military has been disrupting the lives of all 5,000 or so residents of the village, although they have been accused of no personal wrongdoing,” B’Tselem said in the report.

“This automatic form of retaliation has become a matter of policy for the military, in a cynical abuse of its power to mistreat civilians. This kind of collective harm is morally and legally indefensible,” B’Tselem added.

 
 
 
 
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3 juillet 2017 1 03 /07 /juillet /2017 09:33
Publish Date: 2017/07/01
Israel orders Palestinian family to stop construction work on house near Hebron
 
 
 

HEBRON, July 1, 2017 (WAFA) – Israeli authorities Saturday ordered a Palestinian family to stop the construction work on their 150-square-meter house in the town of Idhna to the west of Hebron, said Municipal sources from Idhna.

Sources told WAFA Israeli forces handed the owner of the house, Jamal Abu Zalta, a notice ordering him to stop the construction work on his house located in area C of the West Bank, under full Israeli military control, citing unpermitted construction as a pretext. Area C covers 60% of the West Bank.

 

According to B'Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, “Israel retains control of security and land-management in Area C and views the area as there to serve its own needs, such as military training, economic interests and settlement development.”

 

Israel ignores Palestinians’ needs and bans them from construction and development. B'Tselem added, “At the same time, it encourages the development of Israeli settlements through a parallel planning mechanism, and the Civil Administration turns a blind eye to settlers’ building violations.”

T.R.

 

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=vR7xJua91205538237avR7xJu

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3 juillet 2017 1 03 /07 /juillet /2017 09:31
Publish Date: 2017/07/01
Israel orders Palestinian family to stop construction work on house near Hebron
 
 
 

HEBRON, July 1, 2017 (WAFA) – Israeli authorities Saturday ordered a Palestinian family to stop the construction work on their 150-square-meter house in the town of Idhna to the west of Hebron, said Municipal sources from Idhna.

Sources told WAFA Israeli forces handed the owner of the house, Jamal Abu Zalta, a notice ordering him to stop the construction work on his house located in area C of the West Bank, under full Israeli military control, citing unpermitted construction as a pretext. Area C covers 60% of the West Bank.

 

According to B'Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, “Israel retains control of security and land-management in Area C and views the area as there to serve its own needs, such as military training, economic interests and settlement development.”

 

Israel ignores Palestinians’ needs and bans them from construction and development. B'Tselem added, “At the same time, it encourages the development of Israeli settlements through a parallel planning mechanism, and the Civil Administration turns a blind eye to settlers’ building violations.”

T.R.

 

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=vR7xJua91205538237avR7xJu

Les seules publications de notre blog qui engagent notre association sont notre charte et nos communiqués. Les autres articles publiés sur ce blog, sans nécessairement refléter exactement nos positions, nous ont paru intéressants à verser aux débats ou à porter à votre connaissance.

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3 juillet 2017 1 03 /07 /juillet /2017 09:27

B'Tselem: Israeli army continues to disrupt life for residents of Deir Abu Mashaal

 
 
 
 
July 1, 2017 12:20 P.M. (Updated: July 1, 2017 9:35 P.M.)
 
 
Israeli soldiers inspect a Palestinian ambulance on its way to Jerusalem at the West Bank army checkpoint of Qalandiya (AFP/ Leila Gorchev/File)

 

 

BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) -- Israeli authorities have continued to implement restrictive policies on Palestinians in Deir Abu Mashaal in the central occupied West Bank district of Ramallah, after three residents of the town were shot dead last month after allegedly carrying out a deadly attack near Damascus Gate in occupied East Jerusalem, which killed an Israeli police officer, B'Tselem reported on Thursday.

After it was revealed that the three alleged assailants -- Baraa Ibrahim Saleh, 18, Adel Hassan Ahmad Ankoush, 18, and Usama Ahmad Ata, 19 -- were from the village of Deir Abu Mashaal, the town was subsequently placed under lockdown, and was subjected to multiple military raids.

Based on field research conducted in the village, B'Tselem reported that, on the night of the attack, Israeli forces installed an iron gate at the entrance of the village and erected large rocks and piles of dirt on three dirt roads used by villagers, and refused to allow any Palestinian from leaving or entering the area, putting the village under a complete siege.

Locals removed some of the obstacles in order to drive out of the village, as many residents are dependent on work in Ramallah city.

Over the following days, B’Tselem reported, the Israeli army continuously obstructed commuters' efforts to free up the roads by erecting fresh blockades.

Three days following the attack, Israeli forces permitted residents to leave the village on foot from the main entrance. However, Palestinian men between the ages of 15 and 25 continued to be barred from exiting or entering the village.

The following day, Israeli forces permitted cars to pass through the main entrance, but Palestinians were subject to extensive security checks, B’Tselem reported, and men between 15 and 25 had continued to be banned.

Five days later, on June 24, at the start of the Muslim holiday of Eid al-Fitr that directly follows the holy month of Ramadan, Israeli forces began lessening the restrictions and allowing residents to travel by car more easily, BTselem said.

However, B’Tselem noted that the iron gate erected following the attack remains at the main entrance of the village, and Israeli forces continue to be stationed there performing random security checks on passing Palestinian vehicles.

Immediately following the attack, Israeli authorities also took measurements of the homes of the alleged assailants in preparations for punitive demolitions, which the families had been informed would be carried out “soon.”

According to the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, a total of 22 people, the three mens’ family members, will be left homeless by the punitive demolitions in spite of not having been charged with any wrongdoing.

Some 250,000 Palestinians who had received family visitation permits to enter Jerusalem and Israel during Ramadan also saw their permits revoked following the attack.

In addition, family members of the alleged assailants had their Israeli work permits revoked as a punitive measure. B’Tselem reported that this included 50 residents from the assailants’ extended families who were dependent on work inside Israel.

B’Tselem also noted that the permits had been revoked by Israeli authorities when members of the families had attempted to pass the Israeli-erected checkpoint en route to their work in Israel. The revocation occurred without any prior notice that would have allowed the families to challenge the decision, B’Tselem pointed out.

Israeli forces also carried out frequent army raids on the village and detained the mother of 18-year-old Ankoush on June 21. According to B’tselem, she is still in Israeli custody.

Ankoush’s father Hassan was also detained during an overnight raid on June 29.

The Israeli raids have also erupted into clashes with Israeli forces and the Palestinian residents, B’Tselem highlighted, resulting in at least four young Palestinian men being hurt by Israeli forces.

Meanwhile, the bodies of the three alleged assailants have continued to be held by Israeli authorities, as Israel is known to withhold Palestinian bodies from their families for extended periods of time after they have carried out an attack, alleging that funerals of “martyrs” -- Palestinians killed by Israeli forces -- encourage “incitement” against the Israeli state.

However, Palestinians have long claimed that the policy is a form of "collective punishment," targeting the families of actual or alleged Palestinian attackers, while also preventing families of slain Palestinians from requesting proper autopsies on their loved ones, as the bodies returned are often damaged and disfigured.

“For almost two weeks now, ever since the attack, the military has been disrupting the lives of all 5,000 or so residents of the village, although they have been accused of no personal wrongdoing,” B’Tselem said in the report.

“This automatic form of retaliation has become a matter of policy for the military, in a cynical abuse of its power to mistreat civilians. This kind of collective harm is morally and legally indefensible,” B’Tselem added.

 
 
 
 
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2 juillet 2017 7 02 /07 /juillet /2017 06:35

Military disrupting life in Deir Abu Mash’al for 2 weeks, since 3 residents killed Border Police officer

Published: 
29 Jun 2017

 

The Palestinian village of Deir Abu Mash'al lies some 25 kilometers northwest of Ramallah. It has a population of about 5,000, many of whom work in Ramallah. About 150 of the residents work in Israel and have to cross the Ni'lin checkpoint on their commute every day. On the evening of Friday, 16 June 2017, three residents of the village carried out an attack near Damascus Gate in East Jerusalem, killing Border Police Officer Hadas Malka, 23, and wounding four other people. The three assailants, Baraa Saleh, 18, ‘Adel ‘Ankush, 18, and Ousama ‘Ata, 19, were shot to death by Israeli security forces over the course of the attack. Ever since then, Israel has been disrupting the lives of all residents of the village, although they were not involved in the attack and have not been accused of any wrongdoing.

Following the attack, Border Police officers and soldiers entered the village and imposed several restrictive measures. On the night of the attack itself, Israeli security forces installed an iron gate at the main entrance to the village and refused to let anyone cross it in either direction, neither on foot nor by car. The military also blocked off the three dirt roads leading to the village with stones and piles of earth. The next day, village residents removed some of the blockage from two roads, enough to enable only a four-wheel drive to get through. This recurred over the following days, with the military blocking the roads and residents removing the obstacles.

Soldiers stand beside the gate installed by the military at the main entrance to the village. Photo by 'Amer 'Aruri, B'Tselem, 19 June '17

 

Soldiers stand beside the gate installed by the military at the main entrance to the village. Photo by 'Amer 'Aruri, B'Tselem, 19 June '17

On Monday, 19 June 2017, security forces allowed most of the village residents to leave the village on foot via the main entrance, barring men between the ages of 15 and 25. The next day, the forces opened the gate part of the way, allowing cars through but only after lengthy checks, including searches of the cars. The ban on exit by men aged 15 to 25 remained in place.

It wasn’t until the evening of Saturday, 24 June 2017, when the high holiday of ‘Eid al-Fitr began, that security forces made travel by car easier. Nonetheless, the iron gate remains in place and forces are stationed beside it some of the time, performing random checks.

In addition to the restrictions on movement, which have affected the entire population of the village, security forces confiscated some 50 vehicles from residents for ostensibly lacking licenses. In addition, 50 village residents who work in Israel – all from the assailants’ extended families – had their work permits revoked. The permits were revoked when they reached the checkpoint on their way to work, without prior notice and with no opportunity to challenge the decision.

On Sunday, 18 June, soldiers raided five homes in the village, three of them belonging to the families of the assailants. The soldiers informed the parents of the assailants that their houses for the actions of their sons. If this occurs, 15 people, including 5 innocent minors, will be left without a roof over their heads.

In one home, the soldiers damaged property and left a mess behind them. ‘Adel ‘Ankush’s mother, 46, was arrested on 21 June and is still in custody. On 29 June, forces again entered the village, arresting ‘Ancush’s father and searching Ousamah Ata’s home once again.

When the forces first entered the village, violent altercations erupted between them and local residents, during which two young men from the village were hurt. They were taken to hospital in Ramallah in an ambulance that had to use a bypass dirt road. Three days later, on 19 June, security forces returned to the village at 5:00 A.M. and went into a home to carry out arrests. This also resulted in altercations in which two more local residents were hurt. The clashes ended when the forces left the village at around 8:00 A.M.

For almost two weeks now, ever since the attack, the military has been disrupting the lives of all 5,000 or so residents of the village, although they have been accused of no personal wrongdoing. This automatic form of retaliation has become a matter of policy for the military, in a cynical abuse of its power to mistreat civilians. This kind of collective harm is morally and legally indefensible.

One of the dirt roads blocked by the military. Photo by 'Amer 'Aruri, B'Tselem, 19 June '17

 

One of the dirt roads blocked by the military. Photo by 'Amer 'Aruri, B'Tselem, 19 June '17

On 21 June 2017, B’Tselem field researcher 'Amer 'Aruri spoke with two village residents who feared to disclose their names, and with another who agreed to be identified.

A village resident who preferred to remain anonymous related:

I’m a merchant, and I have a permit to enter Israel. On Saturday I wasn’t able to leave, but on Sunday, 18 June, I had to get to the bank in Ramallah. I have a regular car that can’t drive on the unpaved farm roads, so I borrowed my brother’s four-wheel drive. It took me about half an hour on the farm road just to get to Deir Nidham, and there I took the main road to Ramallah. The trip took almost an hour. Usually, it takes half an hour at most to get to Ramallah.

On Tuesday, 20 June 2017, I heard that the soldiers had opened the gate and lifted the closure. At around eleven o’clock in the morning, I set out in my car towards the main exit. When I got there, I saw that the soldiers were still there. They opened the iron gate part of the way. Cars were going both ways and the soldiers were checking every single car going in or out, as well as the IDs of the passengers. There was a huge traffic jam at the entrance. 

When it was my turn, the soldier went through my car from top to bottom. He even popped the hood and opened the trunk. He checked my ID and asked me sarcastically if I had an M16 . I said no and drove off.

Another resident said:

I am from the ‘Ata family. I work in construction inside Israel. On Sunday, 18 June 2017, at around four o’clock in the morning, I got to Ni’lin checkpoint after going the long way on a farm road to get out of the village. There were five more laborers with me in the car, four of them from our family. At the checkpoint, they only let the laborer who wasn’t from our family through. They turned the rest of us back. I asked the guard why I wasn’t allowed across, and he said our family was “causing trouble”.

I couldn’t do anything that day, so I went back home. Other laborers from the ‘Ata, ‘Ankush and Saleh families told me that the exact same thing happened to them. 

I have five children and no other source of income. The day I went back home, my employer called me and said that if I didn’t come in to work, he’d fire me. I don’t know what I’ll do if they don’t give me my permit back. ‘Eid al-Fitr is coming up and I don’t think I’ll be able to buy the kids clothes, as is the custom on high holidays. I’m worried that if I don’t go back to work, I’ll need the money to put food on the table. 

Muhammad Faiz Muhammad ‘Ata, a married father of five, said in his testimony:

Damaged property and mess left by soldiers in the 'Ata home. Photo courtesy of the family, 21 June '17

I live in the al-Mu’alaka neighborhood in the village, in  a two-story building. The second story is still under construction. We have a livestock pen next to the house. 

Today, 21 June 2017, at six in the morning, I heard loud banging on the door. I opened it and found myself facing soldiers and an officer. The officer ordered me to lie down on the floor, but I refused. One of the soldiers grabbed me and sat me down on the floor. The other soldiers came in and started searching our home. I got up immediately and followed them. I told them my wife and children were asleep, but it was no use.

The soldiers went into the kitchen and threw the dishes on the floor. The sound of the breaking dishes woke my wife and children. When they saw the soldiers in the house, some of them started crying. Several soldiers went into our bedroom and started throwing our clothes on the floor. They also turned over the couches and the tables in the living room. I asked the officer if they had a search warrant. He said: “They kill Jews and want a search warrant”?

This went on for about an hour. They left a terrible mess all over the house. In the kitchen, they broke dishes and spilled rice. They broke a livestock milking pump that we were keeping on the second story. They turned the living room upside down and left clothes all over the floor in our bedroom. I don’t know what they were looking for and why they came into our house. They refused to tell me. 

 

 

http://www.btselem.org/freedom_of_movement/20170629_collective_punishment_in_dier_abu_mashal

Les seules publications de notre blog qui engagent notre association sont notre charte et nos communiqués. Les autres articles publiés sur ce blog, sans nécessairement refléter exactement nos positions, nous ont paru intéressants à verser aux débats ou à porter à votre connaissance.

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