| Netanyahu cornered The much trailed speech on the peace process by Israel's prime minister may have sounded depressingly familiar but beneath the bluster, writes Emad Gad, a new tune emerged There are two types of speech politicians can give. In one the speaker unveils a new vision or fresh idea. President Anwar El-Sadat's speech to the People's Assembly on 9 November 1977, in which he announced that he was prepared to go to the ends of the world, including Israel itself, if it would bring peace, and his speech before the Knesset on 20 November 1977, in which he presented his vision for a political settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict, were of this type. We might also include in this category Sharon's speech at the Herzilya conference in December 2003, when the former Israeli prime minister announced his plan for unilateral disengagement from Gaza. The most recent example is President Barack Obama's address from Cairo University, on 4 June. The second type of speech, inflicted by officials on the public daily, tells us nothing we haven't heard before. They are cut-and-paste jobs, occasionally with a veneer of oratorical eloquence, delivered by officials who have nothing to offer but words. Historical speeches rivet attention and spark debate. Often they mark a turning point. Not so the un-historic speech. It passes without raising an eyebrow. The historic speech might come as a complete surprise, the speaker determined to keep any revelation under wraps. The speech delivered by Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu on Sunday was in essence very ordinary, a rehash of the Likudist line repeated ad nauseam, from Begin to Shamir to Sharon. Yet Netanyahu had taken pains to hype it as a historic speech. The whole process began in the wake of the extraordinary repercussions from President Obama's truly historic speech in Cairo. In Israel it was well received by a considerable segment of public opinion, making it awkward for Netanyahu to persist in his rejection of the two-state solution with two capitals in Jerusalem. As infuriated as Netanyahu and his team of advisers were, they had to pretend to welcome Obama's address. It would hardly serve their own, let alone Israel's, interests to lash out at a speech whose central message was conciliation and peace. As the Obama administration continued its efforts to bring Palestinians and Israelis back to the negotiating process, Netanyahu announced that he would deliver a speech in which he would outline his vision of the peace process. Over the next 10 days the Israeli press was filled with news about the "event": Netanyahu has completed his first draft; he had assembled a team of more than 30 advisors; he refused to disclose the outlines to his coalition partner, Ehud Barak. The revelations went on and on. Then Netanyahu announced he would deliver the speech from the Begin-Sadat Centre in Bar- Ilan University in Tel Aviv, a symbolic venue that triggered a flurry of speculation. Ten days of non-stop hype was followed by a speech it would be generous to describe as ordinary. The speech's substance, such as it was, included the usual references to Greater Israel -- Judea and Samaria in the Old Testament terms Netanyahu used -- which of course included the West Bank. Then came the "no's", to the return of Palestinian refugees, to the division of Jerusalem and to halting settlement construction. This was followed by the list of conditions the Palestinians had to meet -- recognising Israel as a Jewish state and eliminating Hamas. Only then might the Palestinians be allowed a state, though one without sovereignty, for Israel would continue to control all borders, airspace and territorial waters. The Palestinians would not be allowed an army and would not have the right to enter into any agreements or treaties with neighbouring states. So what was new about the speech? Well, for one thing it showed a politician squirming under intense pressure from the US and the EU. It also revealed a government that is worried to the point of paranoia. Obama's speech, and the actions of his special envoy, George Mitchell, has triggered panic in the Netanyahu government. The US has demanded an immediate and complete freeze on settlement construction and an end to the blockade on Gaza, something President Mubarak confirmed the day after Obama's speech in an address to Egyptian Special Forces units. The most significant ramification of the Netanyahu speech will unfold in the next few days in the form of the composition of the coalition government. Only then will it become clear why the White House welcomed the speech. Netanyahu is going to need such support in order to move towards implementing Obama's vision, which is intended to culminate in an independent Palestinian state with its capital in East Jerusalem. As for the right of return, an army and the borders of the new state, these can all be chipped away at during negotiations. Begin reportedly fell into a deep depression after signing the peace agreement with Egypt and withdrawing from the Sinai. I imagine that Netanyahu is probably in the grips of a similar malaise. He knows the price he is going to have to pay for a peace agreement Washington regards as essential to American interests. (see pp.2,7&11) http://www. |