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13 février 2016 6 13 /02 /février /2016 02:35

Over 40 Palestinian homes, structures demolished in Jordan Valley

Feb. 11, 2016 6:01 P.M. (Updated: Feb. 12, 2016 2:54 P.M.) Facebook658Twitter Jordan Valley, April 2014. (AFP/File)

TUBAS (Ma’an) -- Israeli forces on Thursday destroyed over 40 Palestinian homes and structures in the Tubas district of the occupied West Bank as ongoing Israeli policies in the Jordan Valley continue to drive Palestinians out of their homes.

A Palestinian official from the governor’s office in Tubas, Mutaz Bsharat, told Ma’an that Israeli forces and bulldozers stormed the Palestinian communities of al-Farisiya and Khallet al-Khader and demolished seven homes, displacing seven families.

Forces also demolished 35 structures in the Bardala and Ein al-Baida communities, Bsharat added.

Tubas Mayor Rabih Khandaqji told Ma’an that local and international organizations were carrying out efforts to aid Palestinians displaced during the demolitions and to rebuild destroyed structures.

A spokesperson for Israel's Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) did not have immediate information on the demolitions.

Israel has carried out near-daily demolitions in the occupied Palestinian territory since the start of this month and destroyed 42 Palestinian-owned structures in the last week of January alone, displacing 168 people, including 94 children.

The communities targeted in Thursday’s demolitions are all located in Area C, the over 60 percent of the West Bank under full Israeli military control where building permits are near-impossible for Palestinians to obtain from Israel.

As a result, Palestinian communities are forced to build illegally and face the constant threat of demolition and displacement.

Threats of displacement for the thousands of Palestinian Bedouins living in the Jordan Valley in particular have reportedly increased dramatically since 2012.

Rights groups argue that Israel aims to fully annex the strategic area of land and is unlikely to return the occupied area to Palestinians.

In addition to demolition, Israeli rights group B’Tselem earlier this month pointed to the use of Israeli military training exercises as a means of forcible displacement of Palestinians from the Jordan Valley.

Palestinians are frequently ordered to evacuate their villages during military trainings, and B’Tselem reported that military exercises carried out last month caused severe damage to crops belonging to Palestinian communities.

The group said that while no Israeli official has ever issued statement regarding how military training grounds are chosen, “the apparent selectiveness uncovers the motivation behind it -- dispossession.”

http://maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=770240 Facebook

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12 février 2016 5 12 /02 /février /2016 02:37

~~ Uri Avnery's Column

Optimism of the Will

06/02/16

SO NOW we have another anti-Semite.

Mazal Tov ("good luck") as we say in Hebrew.

His name is Ban Ki-moon, and he is the Secretary General of the UN. In practice, the highest international official, a kind of World Prime Minister.

He has dared to criticize the Israeli government, as well as the Palestinian Authority, for sabotaging the peace process, and thereby making Israeli-Palestinian peace almost impossible.

He emphasized that there is a world-wide consensus about the "Two-state Solution" being the only possible one.

The formulation sounded neutral, but Ban made it quite clear that almost the entire fault lies with the Israeli side.

Since the Palestinians are living under a hostile occupation, there is not much they can do one way or the other. Anyone blaming Israel for anything is, of course, a blatant anti-Semite, the latest addition to a long line, starting with Pharaoh, king of Egypt, a few thousand years ago.

I AM not criticizing Ban, except for being too soft-spoken.

Perhaps that is the Korean style. If I had been - God forbid - in his place, my formulation would have been a lot sharper.

Contrary to appearances, there is no great difference between Ban and Bibi, as far as the prognosis is concerned.

A few weeks ago, Binyamin Netanyahu announced that we shall "forever live by the sword” – a Biblical phrase going back to the admonition of Avner, King Saul's general, who cried out to King David's general Yoav "Shall the sword devour for ever?" (I always liked Avner and adopted his name.) But what is good for a patriot like Netanyahu is not good for a Jew-hater like Ban. So to hell with him.

NETANYAHU MAY have disliked Ban's statement that the "Two State Solution" is now the consensus of the entire world. The world except Netanyahu and his cohorts.

That was not always so. Quite the contrary.

The Partition Plan was first adopted by the British Royal Commission appointed after the 1936 Arab Revolt (called "the Events" by the Jews) in which many Arabs, Jews and British soldiers died.

In this plan the Jews were allotted only a small part of Palestine, a narrow strip along the sea, but it was the first time in modern history that a Jewish state was envisioned.

The idea caused a deep split in the Jewish community in Palestine (called the "Yishuv"), but the outbreak of World War II put an end to the plan.

After the war and the Holocaust, there was a world-wide search for a permanent solution.

The General Assembly of the new United Nations decided on the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab.

The Jewish leadership formally accepted this, but with the secret intention of enlarging the territory of their state at the first opportunity.

This opportunity came soon enough. The Arabs rejected partition and started a war, in which we conquered much more territory and annexed it to our fledgling state.

With the end of the war, by early 1949, the situation was thus: the enlarged Jewish state, now called Israel, occupied 78% of the country, including West Jerusalem; the Emir of Transjordan retained the West Bank of the Jordan with East Jerusalem and changed his title to King of Jordan; the King of Egypt retained the Gaza Strip.

Palestine had disappeared from the map.

WHEN I WAS discharged from the army (because of my wounds) I was convinced that this situation would lead to permanent conflict.

During the war I had seen many Arab villages and towns, from which the inhabitants had fled or been evicted, and was convinced that a Palestinian people existed – contrary to Israeli assertions and worldwide opinion – and that there would never be peace if this people was denied a national state of their own.

Still wearing uniform, I looked for partners in an endeavor to spread this conviction. I found a young Muslim Arab architect in Haifa and a young Druze sheikh.

(The Druze are Arabs who seceded from Islam and founded a new religion many centuries ago). The three of us met several times in the apartment of the architect, but found no public echo. Government policy and public opinion in Israel favored the status quo.

The existence of a Palestinian people was fervently denied, Jordan became de facto an ally of Israel – as it had secretly been all along.

If someone had taken an international public opinion poll in the early 1950s, I wonder if they would have found a hundred people in the world who seriously favored a Palestinian state.

Some Arab states paid lip service to the idea, but no one took it seriously.

My magazine, Haolam Hazeh, and later the party I founded (which bore the same name) were the only organizations in the world that carried on this struggle.

Golda Meir famously said that "There is no such thing as a Palestinian people" (and less famously: "I am ready to mount the barricades to get Uri Avnery out of the Knesset!")

This total rejection of the rights and the very existence of the Palestinian people was further strengthened by the 1967 Six-day war, when Israel took possession of what was left of Palestine.

The ruling doctrine was the "Jordanian Option" – the idea that if and when Israel would give back the West Bank or parts of it, it would give them to King Hussein.

This consensus extended from David Ben-Gurion to Levy Eshkol, from Yitzhak Rabin to Shimon Peres.

The idea behind it was not only the inherited denial of the existence of the Palestinian people, but also the hare-brained conviction that the king would give up Jerusalem, since his capital was Amman.

Only a total ignoramus could have believed that the Hashemite king, a direct descendant of the Prophet, could give the third-holiest city of Islam to infidels.

The pro-Soviet Israeli Communist party was also for the Jordanian Option, causing me to joke in the Knesset that it was probably the only Communist Monarchist party in the world.

This ended in 1969, when Leonid Brezhnev suddenly changed course and accepted the "Two States for Two Peoples" formula. The Israeli communists followed almost before the words were out of his mouth.

The Likud party, of course, was never ready to give up even an inch of Eretz Israel. Officially, it still claims the East bank of the Jordan River, too.

Only a practiced liar like Netanyahu could publicly proclaim to the world his acceptance of the "Two-state Solution".

No Likud member took this seriously. So when the world's highest diplomat says that there is a world-wide consensus for the Two-state Solution,

I have the right to enjoy a moment of satisfaction. And optimism.

"OPTIMISTIC" IS the title of my memoirs, the second part of which just came out this week. (Alas, only in Hebrew. Have not yet found publishers in other languages.) When the first part appeared, people thought the title was crazy. Now they say that it is insane.

Optimistic? Today? When the Israeli peace camp is in deep despair? When home-grown fascism is raising its head and the government is leading us towards national suicide?

I have tried several times to explain where this irrational optimism comes from: genetic roots, life experience, the knowledge that pessimists don't do anything, that it is the optimists who try to effect change.

To quote the motto of Antonio Gramsci: "Pessimism of the intellect, optimism of the will."

BAN IS not the only anti-Semite who was unmasked lately.

Another one is Laurent Fabius, Foreign Minister of France. How come? Fabius has lately floated the idea of convening (in Paris, of course) an international conference for Israeli-Palestinian peace.

He declared in advance that if this idea is not accepted, France will officially recognize the State of Palestine, opening the gates of Europe for others to follow.

This raises a semantic question. In Zionist parlance, only a non-Jew can be an anti-Semite. A Jew who says exactly the same is a "Jewish self-hater".

Fabius belongs to a Jewish family that has converted to Catholicism.

Under Jewish religious law (the Halakha) a Jew who has sinned remains a Jew. Converting is a sin.

So is Fabius a non-Jew and therefore an anti-Semite, or a Jewish sinner, a self-hater? How, exactly, should we curse him?

http://zope.gush-shalom.org/home/en/channels/avnery/1454684581/

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12 février 2016 5 12 /02 /février /2016 02:35

~~By Natasha Roth |Published February 5, 2016

'Blacklisted' human rights groups sing a defiant tune

Amid an unprecedented wave of delegitimization and attacks on human rights groups in Israel, dozens of organizations throw a mini-festival in Tel Aviv, sending a message that they will not be deterred. Journalist and musician Dror Feuer performs at the ‘Blacklisted’ event at the Tel Aviv port, February 5, 2016.

Journalist and musician Dror Feuer performs at the ‘Blacklisted’ event at the Tel Aviv port, February 5, 2016. (Courtesy photo)

Over a thousand people joined dozens of human rights organizations in Tel Aviv’s port Friday afternoon in order to send a message that silencing, shaming and blacklisting Israelis who oppose — and speak out against — the occupation of the Palestinian territories will not work.

The event, titled “Blacklist,” was as a direct response to a right-wing campaign claiming to “expose” Israeli artists and cultural figures who are involved with or support human rights and anti-occupation organizations.

Just a few weeks earlier, another high profile right-wing campaign portrayed human rights activists as “moles,” or agents, of foreign powers. “Blacklist” was billed as a combination of a show of resilience and solidarity among the organizations threatened by the right-wing campaigns, as well as a celebration of what they do.

Among the performers were Mira Awad, Dror Feuer, Leora Rivlin, Rebecca Michaeli, Za’aluk, and dozens of others. A performer at the ‘Blacklist’ show of human rights and anti-occupation groups, Tel Aviv Port, February 5, 2016.

A performer at the ‘Blacklist’ show of human rights and anti-occupation groups, Tel Aviv Port, February 5, 2016. (Courtesy photo)

But before the fun started, the heads of five leading human rights groups in Israel-Palestine spoke about efforts to silence and delegitimize them and their organizations, and the Israeli government’s increasing reliance on legal measures to undermine human rights groups and activists.

The steps being taken against anti-occupation groups “[are] the result of the Israeli government’s inability to offer a political solution to the security situation, the economic recession, and the growing international criticism of the occupation,” explained Yuli Novak, director of anti-occupation group Breaking the Silence, which collects testimonies from soldiers who have served in the occupied territories.

Related stories •Don't be fooled: Bibi and Im Tirzu are one and the same By Michael Schaeffer Omer-Man | January 28, 2016 •It's open season on anyone opposing the occupation By Noam Sheizaf | January 23, 2016 •Why Palestinians aren't standing up for Israeli leftists By Sawsan Khalife' | January 18, 2016 •WATCH: Incitement against the Israeli Left just got a lot scarier By Mairav Zonszein | December 15, 2015

The right-wing campaign calling human rights groups “moles” was timed to coincide with government-sponsored legislation targeting the funding of human rights groups under the guise of transparency.

“The concept of transparency is being misused in order to undermine our work,” said Tania Hary, executive director of Gisha, an organization that promotes freedom of movement for Palestinians, primarily in Gaza.

Ironically, Hary noted, senior Israeli security officials are in agreement with human rights groups that improving human rights conditions for Palestinians is a matter of Israeli security. “So the fact that we’re being labeled somehow as ‘foreign agents’ is very misleading.”

Jafar Farah, executive director of Mossawa — The Advocacy Center for Arab Citizens in Israel, noted that Israeli authorities have taken even harsher steps against Palestinian civil society organizations for decades, but particularly in recent months when they outlawed the Islamic Movement.

“What was done to the Islamic Movement is the future of our organizations,” he said. Building coalitions with Jewish partners, he added, “[is] important for the liberation of the Jewish population from the occupation and for the liberation of Palestinians from the occupation.”

Meanwhile, outside, a single counter-protester greeted attendees filtering into the event, holding a placard with the words “moles” and “traitors” above a list of the human rights and anti-occupation organizations hosting the event. The winking irony of the event’s title, “Blacklist,” seemed to have been lost on her.

http://972mag.com/blacklisted-human-rights-groups-sing-a-defiant-tune/116705/

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12 février 2016 5 12 /02 /février /2016 02:32

~~GUERRE EN LIBYE : UNE SIMPLE QUESTION DE TEMPS

par Moncef Wafi

Il y a de cela sept jours, Laurent Fabius, le ministre français des Affaires étrangères, affirmait depuis Rome, où il avait pris part à une réunion des chefs de la diplomatie des 23 pays membres de la coalition anti-Daech, qu'«il n'est absolument pas question que nous intervenions militairement en Libye».

A croire le discours de Fabius, l'Otan est contre l'ouverture d'un nouveau front contre les hommes d'El Baghdadi en Libye, malgré, reconnaît-il, l'existence d'une pression exercée par «un petit groupe» pour y bombarder l'EI.

La coalition, qui frappe déjà en Syrie et en Irak, attend toujours la formation d'un nouveau gouvernement d'union nationale, la seule formule à pouvoir donner une légitimité internationale à une éventuelle intervention militaire en Libye.

C'est clair que l'option militaire est sérieusement envisagée sous un parapluie onusien mais même sans le quitus du Conseil de sécurité de l'Onu, l'Otan n'hésitera pas à déployer ses forces si le besoin se fait sentir.

Le communiqué final publié à l'issue de la réunion des ministres des Affaires étrangères des 23 précise que la coalition suit avec «attention tous les développements en Libye» tout en excluant pour le moment «de se lancer dans une intervention militaire». Le message a le mérite d'être clair pour les pays voisins, dont l'Algérie véritable tête de pont pour une solution pacifique au dossier libyen.

En effet, les Etats frontaliers ont tout à craindre d'une opération militaire qui, rappelons-le, se précise de jour en jour, sous un commandement italien, et qui risque de rabattre les troupes armées de Daech sur leurs territoires.

L'Algérie et la Tunisie restent grandement menacées par ce scénario d'autant qu'Alger, de par son important tracé frontalier avec la Libye et la porosité des frontières tunisiennes, est doublement concernée par une éventuelle intervention militaire de la coalition anti-EI en Libye qui, par ricochet, peut mettre à mal l'Algérie dont les frontières Est sont suffisamment mises sous pression par les groupes terroristes venus de Libye.

Malgré le renforcement de son dispositif sécuritaire tout au long de ses frontières, l'Algérie devra faire face à un afflux sans précédent des hommes de Daech et d'Aqmi qui se rabattront sur son territoire pour fuir les bombardements de l'Otan.

Cette opération militaire n'est plus qu'une question de jours voire de quelques mois avant que la coalition militaire internationale, forte de 6.000 soldats, dont des forces spéciales britanniques, des Marines américains, des soldats français et probablement des troupes arabes, n'intervienne, dans un premier temps, dans le ciel libyen.

Le but est d'empêcher les troupes de l'EI de contrôler les terminaux pétroliers.

Cette menace directe sur les champs pétroliers a fait réagir l'Europe et Washington qui ont d'ores et déjà décidé d'intervenir, patientant encore pour quelque temps histoire de donner le change.

http://www.lequotidien-oran.com/?news=5224737

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11 février 2016 4 11 /02 /février /2016 02:41

Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (29 Jan.- 03 Feb. 2016)

February 4, 2016 211 Share on Facebook Tweet on Twitter • • Print

Israeli forces continue systematic crimes in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) (28 January – 03 February 2016)

•Israeli forces continued to use excessive force in the oPt

•5 Palestinian civilians were killed, 3 of whom were killed in occupied Jerusalem in one incident.

•20 Palestinian civilians, including an Israeli human rights activist and 2 children, were wounded in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

•Israeli forces continued to open fire at areas along the Gaza Strip borders, but no casualties were reported.

•Israeli forces conducted 81 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and a limited one in the southern Gaza Strip.

•101 Palestinian civilians, including 24 children, were arrested. 35 of them, including 15 children, were arrested in occupied Jerusalem.

•Israeli forces continued to target Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip sea.

•4 fishermen were arrested and their 2 fishing boats were confiscated off Gaza Valley shore. •Jewish majority efforts continued in occupied East Jerusalem.

•2 under-construction houses in Sour Baher and Silwan villages were demolished.

•Al-Quds (Abu Dees) University was raided and all belongings of the university student unions were confiscated. •Settlement activities continued in the West Bank.

•3 residential tents in Deir Ammar village, northwest of Ramallah, were demolished.

•Israeli forces turned the West Bank into cantons and continued to impose the illegal closure on the Gaza Strip for the 9th

•Dozens of temporary checkpoints were established in the West Bank and others were re-established to obstruct the movement of Palestinian civilians.

•18 Palestinian civilians, including 2 children, were arrested at military checkpoints.

•A student was arrested at Beit Hanoun “Erez” crossing, north of the Gaza Strip. Summary Israeli violations of international law and international humanitarian law in the oPt continued during the reporting period (28 January – 03 February 2016).

Shooting:

Israeli forces have continued to commit crimes, inflicting civilian casualties.

They have also continued to use excessive force against Palestinian civilians participating in peaceful protests in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the majority of whom were youngsters.

Occupied East Jerusalem witnessed similar attacks.

During the reporting period, Israeli forces killed 5 Palestinian civilians in the West Bank, 3 of whom were killed in occupied East Jerusalem in one incident.

Moreover, they wounded 10 civilians, including an Israeli human rights activist and 2 children.

Six civilians, including a child were wounded in the Gaza Strip while the remaining others were wounded in the West Bank.

Concerning the nature of injuries, 12 civilians were hit with live bullets, 11 others were hit with rubber-coated metal bullets and one was hit with a sound bomb to the face.

In the West Bank, Israeli forces killed 5 Palestinian civilians and wounded 14 others, including a child and an Israeli human rights activist.

Nine of them were hit with live bullets, 4 others were hit with rubber-coated metal bullets and one was hit with a sound bomb to the face.

In the West Bank, killings committed by Israeli forces were as follows: On 31 January 2016, Israeli forces stationed at “Beit Eil” military checkpoint, north of al-Bireh, killed Amjad Sokari (35), from Jama’in village, south of Nablus, after he opened fire at the Israeli soldiers stationed at the abovementioned checkpoint and wounded 3 of them.

On 01 February 2016, Israeli forces killed Ahmed Touba (18), from Kufor Jamal village, northeast of Qalqilya, while attempting to sneak through the annexation wall into Israel in pursuit of work.

On 03 February 2016, Israeli Border Guard officers opened fire at 3 Palestinian civilians under the pretext they carried out a stabbing and shooting attack against Israeli soldiers at al-Amoud (Damascus) Gate in the Old City in occupied East Jerusalem.

As a result, the 3 Palestinians were killed with several bullets throughout their bodies.

The killed were identified as Ahmed Zakarnah (20), from Jenin; Ahmed Abu al-Rub (20); and Mohammed Kmail (19), both are from Qabatya village, southeast of the city.

In the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces wounded 6 Palestinian civilians, including a child during a protest organized near the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, in the northern Gaza Strip.

Three of them were hit with live bullets and the 3 others were hit with rubber-coated metal bullets.

As part of Israeli attacks along the border area in the Gaza Strip, on 28 January 2016, Israeli forces stationed at the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, east of Khan Yunis, opened fire at agricultural lands, east of al-Qararah village, to the west of the border fence.

However, no casualties were reported.

On 29 January 2016, Israeli forces stationed at the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel, east of Gaza Valley village, opened fire at Palestinian shepherds, who were in their lands adjacent to the fence.

However, no casualties were reported.

In the context of Israeli attacks against Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Strip Sea, on 30 January 2016, Israeli gunboats stationed off the northwest of Beit Lahia village, north of the Gaza Strip, opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats.

However, neither casualties nor material damage were reported.

On 01 February 2016, Israeli gunboats stationed off the shores of Deir al-Balah and al-Nusairat refugee camps, in the central Gaza Strip, opened fire at about 50 fishing boats sailing within 5 nautical miles.

However, neither casualties nor material damage were reported as well.

On 3 February 2016, Israeli gunboats chased while opening fire 2 fishing boats sailing within 5 nautical miles off Gaza Valley shore.

On board of the 2 boats were Mohammed al-Sa’idi (24) and his brother Mahmoud (22), Sayed al-Sa’idi (31) and Jehad Kaskeen (20).

The Israeli navy forces obliged the aforementioned fishermen to take their clothes off, jump in the water and swim towards the Israeli gunboats.

Moreover, they took them to Ashdod Seaport and kept the 2 fishing boats under the Israeli custody. In the evening, Israeli forces released 3 fishermen and kept Mahmoud al-Sa’idi in detention.

Incursions:

During the reporting period, Israeli forces conducted at least 81 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and 10 ones in occupied East Jerusalem and its suburbs.

During these incursions, Israeli forces arrested at least 101 Palestinian civilians, including 24 children.

Thirty-five of them, including 15 children, were arrested in East Jerusalem. In the Gaza Strip, on 03 February 2016, Israeli forces conducted a limited incursion in the southern Gaza Strip.

They moved about 100 meters to the east of al-Fokhari village, east of Khan Yunis, south of the Gaza Strip. Then then levelled lands for few hours and withdrew later.

Efforts to create Jewish Majority

In the context of house demolitions and demolition notices issued on grounds of non-licensing construction works, on 02 February 2016, vehicles belonging to the Israeli municipality demolished a house belonging to Eyad Abu Mahameed in Hommos valley in Sour Baher village, south of occupied East Jerusalem, under the pretext that he did not obtain a building permit in advance from the Israeli municipality.

It should be noted that the aforementioned person should have moved in on the abovementioned day.

On the same day, on 29 January 2016, vehicles belonging to the Israeli municipality demolished a house belonging to Yehya Mohsen in Silwan village, south of the Old City under the pretext of not obtaining a building permit.

It should be noted that Yehya was planning to move in soon.

On 29 January 2016, an Israeli large force raided al-Quds (Abu Dees) University, east of occupied Jerusalem.

They raided the rooms of the student unions after detaining the security officers.

They then damaged the rooms’ contents and confiscated a number of PC sets.

Restrictions on movement: Israel continued to impose a tight closure of the oPt, imposing severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

The illegal closure of the Gaza Strip, which has been steadily tightened since June 2007 has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip.

The Israeli authorities impose measures to undermine the freedom of trade, including the basic needs for the Gaza Strip population and the agricultural and industrial products to be exported.

For 9 consecutive years, Israel has tightened the land and naval closure to isolate the Gaza Strip from the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, and other countries around the world.

This resulted in grave violations of the economic, social and cultural rights and a deterioration of living conditions for 1.8 million people.

The Israeli authorities have established Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shaloum) as the sole crossing for imports and exports in order to exercise its control over the Gaza Strip’s economy.

They also aim at imposing a complete ban on the Gaza Strip’s exports.

The Israeli closure raised the rate of poverty to 38.8%, 21.1% of which suffer from extreme poverty. Moreover, the rate of unemployment increased up to 44%, which reflects the unprecedented economic deterioration in the Gaza Strip.

Settlement activities: On 31 January 2016, Israeli forces accompanied by Civil Administration and a truck-mounted crane moved into al-Shaikh area adjacent to Beit Ommer village, north of Hebron.

They stationed around an underconstruction house belonging to Osama al-Alami, where the Civil Administration officers confiscated some of the construction steel, a concrete mixer and 5 concrete block containers estimated at NIS 13,000.

Moreover, the Civil Administration officer handed a notice over to the house owner to halt construction works.

On 01 February 2016, Israeli forces demolished 3 shelters made of cloth, tin plates and wood and a livestock barn in Ein Ayoub area in Deir Ammar village, northwest of Ramallah, rending 17 members, including 11 children, homeless.

These shelters belong to the families of brothers Sayyah, Abdullah and Ahmed Mousa Jahaleen.

In the Same context, on Tuesday, 01 February 2016, settlers opened fire towards a house belonging to Mohammed Abu Zaid, from Deir Estya village, northwest of Salfit.

It should be noted that the house is located on the outskirts of the village and is surrounded with a number of settlements and settlement outposts.

Recommendations to the International Community

PCHR emphasizes the international community’s position that the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, are still under Israeli occupation, in spite of Israeli military redeployment outside the Gaza Strip in 2005.

PCHR further confirms that Israeli forces continued to impose collective punishment measures on the Gaza Strip, which have escalated since the 2006 Palestinian parliamentary elections, in which Hamas won the majority of seats of the Palestinian Legislative Council.

PCHR stresses that there is international recognition of Israel’s obligation to respect international human rights instruments and the international humanitarian law, especially the Hague Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land and the Geneva Conventions.

Israel is bound to apply the international human rights law and the law of war sometime reciprocally and other times in parallel in a way that achieves the best protection for civilians and remedy for victims.

In light of continued arbitrary measures, land confiscation and settlement activities in the West Bank, and the latest 51-day offensive against civilians in the Gaza Strip, PCHR calls upon the international community, especially the United Nations, the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Convention and the European Union – in the context of their natural obligation to respect and enforce the international law – to cooperate and act according to the following recommendations:

1.PCHR calls upon the international community and the United Nations to use all available means to allow the Palestinian people to enjoy their right to self-determination, through the establishment of the Palestinian State, which was recognized by the UN General Assembly with a vast majority, using all international legal mechanisms, including sanctions to end the occupation of the State of Palestine;

2.PCHR calls upon the United Nations to provide international protection to Palestinians in the oPt, and to ensure the non-recurrence of aggression against the oPt, especially the Gaza Strip;

3.PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions to compel Israel, as a High Contracting Party to the Conventions, to apply the Conventions in the oPt;

4.PCHR calls upon the Parties to international human rights instruments, especially the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, to pressurize Israel to comply with their provisions in the oPt, and to compel it to incorporate the human rights situation in the oPt in its reports submitted to the concerned committees;

5.PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions to fulfil their obligation to ensure the application of the Conventions, including extending the scope of their jurisdiction in order to prosecute suspected war criminals, regardless of the nationality of the perpetrator and the place of a crime, to pave the way for prosecuting suspected Israeli war criminals and end the longstanding impunity they have enjoyed;

6.PCHR calls on States that apply the principle of universal jurisdiction not to surrender to Israeli pressure to limit universal jurisdiction to perpetuate the impunity enjoyed by suspected Israeli war criminals;

7.PCHR calls upon the international community to act in order to stop all Israeli settlement expansion activities in the oPt through imposing sanctions on Israeli settlements and criminalizing trading with them;

8.PCHR calls upon the UN General Assembly to transfer the Goldstone Report to the UN Security Council in order to refer it to the International Criminal Court in accordance with Article 13(b) of the Rome Statute;

9.PCHR calls upon the United Nations to confirm that holding war criminals in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is a precondition to achieve stability and peace in the regions, and that peace cannot be built on the expense of human rights;

10.PCHR calls upon the UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council to explicitly declare that the Israeli closure policy in Gaza and the annexation wall in the West Bank are illegal, and accordingly refer the two issues to the UN Security Council to impose sanctions on Israel to compel it to remove them;

11.PCHR calls upon the international community, in light of its failure to the stop the aggression on the Palestinian people, to at least fulfil its obligation to reconstruct the Gaza Strip after the series of hostilities launched by Israel which directly targeted the civilian infrastructure;

12.PCHR calls upon the United Nations and the European Union to express a clear position towards the annexation wall following the international recognition of the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders, as the annexation wall seizes large parts of the State of Palestine;

13.PCHR calls upon the European Union to activate Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which provides that both sides must respect human rights as a precondition for economic cooperation between the EU states and Israel, and the EU must not ignore Israeli violations and crimes against Palestinian civilians;

http://pchrgaza.org/en/?p=7826

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11 février 2016 4 11 /02 /février /2016 02:37

~~Issue No.1281, 4 February, 2016 02-02-2016 11:06PM ET

Gaza: A decade of collective punishment

Ahmed Al-Sayed takes stock of the devastating humanitarian and economic consequences of Israel’s 10-year-old siege on Gaza

Gaza: A decade of collective punishment Palestinians protesting against the siege (photo: AP) Ten years have passed since Israel put the 365-square-kilometre Gaza Strip under siege.

Nearly two million Palestinians have suffered in this narrow coastal stretch of land on the Mediterranean Sea from catastrophic and tragic economic and humanitarian conditions, according to local and international reports. Israel imposed a strict sea, land and air blockade on the Gaza Strip, which it describes as a “hostile entity”, after Hamas won parliamentary elections in 2006.

It tightened its siege once Hamas took control of Gaza in June 2007, after it defeated its rival Fatah in a struggle for power.

The siege continues despite the formation of a Palestinian unity government on 2 June 2014.

Palestinian politicians and human rights activists, as well as UN organisations, assert that Israel’s siege of Gaza is a “war crime” and that it undermines the fundamentals of life in the Strip, causing the deterioration of all necessary basic services for residents, including electricity, water, health care, education, environment and sewage.

Gamal Al-Khodari, chairman of the Popular Committee Against the Siege, describes the blockade as an illegal and immoral collective punishment that constitutes a war crime. Its continuation is a crime punishable under international law, said Al-Khodari. “The impact of the siege is catastrophic and horrific on the humanitarian, economic, health, environmental, educational and social levels,” added Al-Khodari, an independent MP in the Palestinian parliament.

During a decade under siege, the population of the Gaza Strip grew by about 500,000, adding to existing needs for education, health care, housing and infrastructure.

Matters were made worse by Israel launching three wars against Gaza during this period, destroying already dilapidated infrastructure. Israeli occupation forces prevent the passage of about 400 commodities — mostly raw material needed for industry in the Gaza Strip — by listing them on the banned list under the pretext that they have “dual use”. “This resulted in the partial or complete shutdown of 80 per cent of factories, halted the economy, and made thousands of workers jobless,” said Al-Khodari.

As an occupying power, Israel is required by international law to facilitate the transport of goods and freedom of movement of individuals from and to the Gaza Strip.

There are six border crossings on the Gaza Strip’s circumference that are under Israeli control: Al-Mantar, east of Gaza City; Beit Hanoun, in the north; Al-Ouda, east of Rafah; Al-Shijia, east of Gaza City; Karem Abu Salem, east of Rafah; and Qarara, east of Khan Younis.

After Israel imposed the siege, it shut down four commercial crossings and kept Beit Hanoun (Erez) open for residents to travel between the Gaza Strip, West Bank and Israel. Karem Abu Salem is the only crossing point through which commodities and fuel reach Gaza. The border crossing, which the occupation closes on Fridays, Saturdays and during Jewish holidays, provides about 40 per cent of Gaza’s needs in terms of consumer goods, especially food and clothes.

Occupation forces have complete control of Beit Hanoun crossing in northern Gaza, which is the only exit point for residents to go to the West Bank, occupied Jerusalem and the 1948 territories. These restrictions have denied around two million people their right to travel.

According to human rights groups, occupation forces prevent Palestinians from normal passage through the crossing, allowing only limited numbers, such as the sick, journalists, merchants and staff in international organisations, to travel under strict measures.

These include long hours of waiting, thorough and sometimes rough interrogation, blackmail and arrests by occupation intelligence agencies of travellers. Israel has also restricted the age of companions of patients who are referred from Gaza hospitals to hospitals in Israel or the West Bank to those over 55 years.

At the end of their meeting on 18 January 2016, EU foreign ministers called on all parties to take immediate steps to make fundamental changes in political, security and economic conditions in the Gaza Strip. “This includes ending closures and opening all crossings, while keeping in mind Israel’s legitimate security concerns,” they said.

The health-care sector was impacted by Israel’s harsh restrictions on the movement of patients and their companions, the entry of medicine, medical supplies and spare parts for hospital equipment in the Gaza Strip, which is a flagrant breach of international law and the Geneva Conventions.

Ashraf Al-Qodra, spokesman for the Health Ministry in Gaza, which is run by Hamas, said that Israel methodically targeted health-care services that are protected by international law and the Fourth Geneva Convention, bombing dozens of hospitals, clinics and ambulances, and killing and injuring dozens of medical staff while in the field.

“Israel denies patients in Gaza hundreds of types of medicine and basic medical supplies that has sometimes resulted in a 50 per cent shortage,” said Al-Qodra. “It also prevents them from continuing their treatment and surgeries in the West Bank and 1948 territories.

It has converted crossing points into vaults for interrogation, blackmail, bartering and arrest of patients and their companions.” During the decade-long siege, Israel went to war against the Gaza Strip three times.

First in Operation Cast Lead (27 December 2008-17 January 2009), which killed 1,400 Palestinians and injured 5,000 others. Second was Operation Pillar of Defence, which lasted for eight days (14-21 November 2012), killing 160 Palestinians and injuring hundreds. Lastly, and the most violent, was Operation Protective Edge, which lasted for 51 days and killed 2,200 Palestinians and injured another 11,000.

It also destroyed thousands of homes and civilian infrastructure that was already fragile because of the siege. Ramy Abdu, director of the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor, said that Israel’s wars on Gaza destroyed basic infrastructure and compounded humanitarian conditions, as well as left thousands dead, injured or mentally unstable. “Gaza not only suffers from food and medical shortages, but also a crisis of human dignity.

The people’s ability to adapt to the siege is eroding as time passes,” said Abdu, who lives in Gaza City. “There is a general sense of despair and frustration that conditions will not improve anytime soon.” He added that more than 50 per cent of Palestinian children need psychological care, while 55 per cent of Gazans suffer from depression.

The Palestinian human rights activist urged the international community to shoulder its responsibility, heed the danger signs that warn of the collapse of all sectors in the Gaza Strip, and end its silence about the Israeli occupation.

A survey issued by Euro-Med Monitor last week revealed that 40 per cent of the 1.95 million Gazans live below the poverty line, and 80 per cent receive food aid. The survey also revealed that 922,000 refugees in Gaza need assistance, and there is an urgent need for health care, housing, education, basic protection and security.

The survey found that six out of 10 families lack food security, with 27 per cent suffering a severe lack and 16 per cent a medium lack. Regarding basic services, the survey stated that humanitarian conditions are worsening because of a serious fuel crisis that has resulted in almost permanent power outages, which impacts daily lives and obstructs basic services.

Power outages stretch from 12 to 16 hours every day. The survey also revealed that Gazans suffer from water shortages, with expectations that subterranean water problems will be compounded. Some 40 per cent of residents have four to eight hours of water supply every three days because of continuous power outages.

Meanwhile, 90-95 per cent of the water is undrinkable, and 90,000 cubic metres of untreated sewage water pours into the Mediterranean every day.

Hospitals operate at less than 40 per cent of capacity, and some surgeries at Al-Shifa Hospital — one of the largest and oldest working hospitals in Gaza — are postponed up to 18 months. Also, most patients do not receive proper health care because of depleted resources. The siege has greatly impacted the economy over the past decade. GDP was slashed by half, and imports dropped to less than four per cent compared to before the siege.

The Gaza Strip has a shortage of 100,000 housing units and the industrial sector has shrunk by 60 per cent. Individual income has dropped by 32 per cent compared to 1994.

Meanwhile, unemployment has skyrocketed after occupation forces targeted the private sector — the top employer in the Gaza Strip. Preventing Gazan labour from entering Israel has further compounded the tragedy.

Many reports indicate that unemployment rates in Gaza are the highest worldwide, at 43 per cent (including 63 per cent among females and 37 per cent among males), and at 62 per cent among youth. Meanwhile, occupation forces continue to impose a strangling siege by sea.

All maritime activities for Palestinians have stopped, especially for fishermen who are only allowed to sail within six nautical miles of the shore.

If they go further, they are either shot at or arrested. According to Mezan Human Rights Centre, the occupation prevents fishermen from fishing in 85 per cent of the areas allowed in the 1993 Oslo Accords.

Fishermen are also often fired upon, killed, injured, arrested and humiliated by being forced to take off their clothes and swim in the sea, verbally abused, and their fishing equipment and property destroyed, as well as their boats confiscated.

The Gaza-based centre highlighted the suffering of Palestinian fishermen under siege and the limitations on the areas they are allowed to fish since 9 October 2000.

They were first prevented from sailing beyond 20 nautical miles, as stipulated in the Oslo Accords, which shrank to 12 nautical miles, then six, and often drops to only three nautical miles.

The annual report by the United Nations Conference for Trade and Development (UNCTAD), issued in early September 2015, revealed that Israel’s siege “has damaged the already fragile infrastructure in the Gaza Strip, destroyed its production base, and did not allow real reconstruction or economic recovery. It has also impoverished Palestinian residents in Gaza.”

The UNCTAD report reviewed life in the Gaza Strip and said that the blockade and Israel’s military operations there in recent years have led many social and economic indicators in Gaza to drop to their lowest levels since Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories began nearly half a century ago. *

The report warned that within five years, the Gaza Strip could become uninhabitable if current conditions continue. It also underlined the fact that many Gazans suffer from food insecurity, shortages in housing, potable water and electricity.

“The social, health and security impact of high population density and overcrowding are factors that may make Gaza uninhabitable by 2020,” the report stated. It also described economic output and unemployment rates in Gaza as “deplorable”, which worsens living conditions.

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/15402/19/Gaza--A-decade-of-collective-punishment.aspx

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11 février 2016 4 11 /02 /février /2016 02:37

Israel sprays Gazan farmland close to border fence, destroying crops and causing heavy losses

Published: 4 Feb 2016 In December 2015,

Palestinian farmers in the Gaza Strip reported that Israeli military planes had sprayed their land with herbicides on three days that month: 8, 21 and 23 December.

The spraying covered areas up to 200 meters west of the border fence between the Gaza Strip and Israel.

The spraying extended from the center of the Gaza Strip to the south, from areas to the east of al-Bureij Refugee Camp to land east of Khuza’ah.

This action was undertaken despite the fact that in 2014, the military informed Palestinians that they could farm land up to 100 meters from the fence. Moreover, due to the prevailing winds at the time of the spraying, extensive damage was also caused to farmland further away. Field damaged by military's spraying.

Photo by Khaled al-'Azayzeh, B'Tselem, 31 December 2015 Field damaged by military's spraying. Photo by Khaled al-'Azayzeh, B'Tselem, 31 December 2015

This is not the first time that the military has sprayed crops along the border fence.

Over the past two or three years, Israel has undertaken similar spraying operations once or twice a year. In previous years, the military used bulldozers to flatten vegetation and land along the border.

Until now, the spraying did not cause serious damage to crops as it was done in areas that were barely farmed.

This year, however, extensive areas of farmland were affected, causing serious damage.

Testimonies collected by B'Tselem’s field researchers from farmers who work these lands reveal that the damage to crops grew apparent two days after the spraying. Within several days, the leaves of some plants withered completely.

Moreover, due to the prevailing winds at the time of the spraying, extensive damage was also caused to farmland as far as 300 meters from the fence.

At the beginning of the second intifada, in September 2000, Israel began to restrict the access of Palestinian farmers in Gaza to their land close to the border fence.

Over the years, the military has periodically changed the definition of its no-go area for farmers.

However, the precise extent of this area has always remained uncertain, and no official Israeli body has ever provided Gazan residents with the information.

In November 2008, for example, following the collapse of the tahdiya (calm) agreement between Israel and Hamas, the military declared a 500-meter buffer zone on the Palestinian side of the fence.

In May 2009, the military announced that anyone coming within 300 meters of the fence was endangering their life and would be subject to all possible action, including shooting.

The military’s announcement in the same year stated that “the area adjacent to the fence constitutes a combat zone.”

At the end of 2012, following the understandings reached between Israel and Hamas after Operation Pillar of Defense, the military announced that Palestinian farmers would be allowed to access land up to 300 meters from the fence.

About 18 months later, following Operation Protective Edge, the military informed Israeli human rights organization Gisha that the no-go area for farmers had been reduced and they could now farm up to 100 meters from the fence, though without the use of vehicles.

Over the years, the prohibition on the entry of farmers to areas close to the fence has gravely injured the livelihood of the landowners in the area. In addition, the precise scope of the no-go zone has been unclear over the years.

The first reason for this is that the military has not clearly marked the area.

The second is ongoing disparity between the military’s official declarations and the actual implementation of policy.

For example, the military has shot farmers who were working on their land under the mistaken impression that they were permitted to enter the area.

This reality leaves the farmers in a state of constant uncertainty as to where they are permitted to farm and what level of danger they face. About two days after the spraying, I began to see the damage on the leaves of the plants.

Five days later, I could already see the damage to the peas and the fava beans, which dried up. When I saw that, I couldn’t believe it.

My plants were burnt, right in front of me, and I realized I’d lost my crop and I wouldn’t see even one shekel from it.

Excerpt from the testimony of H.A., farmer and father of six.

The testimonies collected by B'Tselem’s field researchers in December 2015 reveal that many farmers in the Gaza Strip who own land near the fence have been forced to rent land elsewhere in order to make a living for their families, in the absence of any other source of income.

Due to the military’s ambiguity on the matter, even the farming of this land entails mortal danger, particularly during foggy weather or when demonstrations are taking place in the area.

The spraying operations conducted by the military in December form part of Israel’s policy of restricting access to these areas of the Gaza Strip – a policy that the military has implemented for many years, as noted above.

Human rights NGO Gisha posted on its website a statement by the IDF Spokesperson in which the military justified these actions, saying: “The aerial spraying of herbicides and germination inhibitors was conducted in the area along the border fence last week in order to enable optimal and continuous security operations.”

This statement completely ignores the impact of the spraying on extensive areas due to the prevailing winds at the time of spraying, and the grave injury to the farmers’ livelihood. It also highlights Israel’s utilitarian approach to the Gaza Strip.

When Israel so wishes, the area is described as a “hostile state entity” for which – and for whose residents – Israel bears no responsibility.

At other times, it is a “zone” in which the military is entitled to undertake “continuous security operations,” as if it were part of Israel’s own territory. The reality is that, even after the 2005 “disengagement” from Gaza, Israel continues to control many aspects of the lives of Gaza residents.

The scope of this control imposes responsibility on Israel for the residents’ wellbeing and welfare. Israel cannot merely regard the territory of the Gaza Strip as part of its own territory, while ignoring the people who live and work in the area. If the security establishment believes that a “security zone” is needed between Israel and the Gaza Strip, it must establish this zone within Israeli territory.

Buffer zone determined by by the military near the perimiter fence.

Source: Map of Gaza Strip by the NGO Gisha Buffer zone determined by by the military near the perimiter fence.

Source: Map of Gaza Strip by the NGO Gisha

Testimony of Riad Salim Muhammd a-Niser , 54, married father of six, farmer, resident of al-Bureij Refugee Camp, Deir al-Balah District. Testimony given to Khaled al-'Azayzeh on 30 December 2015 Riad Salim Muhammd a-Niser.

Photo: Khaled al-'Azayzeh, B'Tslem

I have been a farmer for 25 years. My five brothers and I have eight dunams of farmland near the border, east of al-Bureij Refugee Camp.

Since the land is less than 100 meters away from the fence with Israel, we cannot cultivate it.

To make a living, I rent 70 dunams of farmland located 300 meters away from the fence, east of al-Bureij.

I pay 4,000 Jordanian dinars a year in rent. It’s a relatively low price, because the land is close to the border and it’s dangerous to work there because of the Israeli army’s fire.

I have to rent this land and cultivate it with my children, my brother, and my sister’s children because I have no other work.

We provide for our families with the living we make off the land. About 40 people rely on this land for their living. Sometimes I hire extra workers to help us farm the land. I grow wheat on 48 dunams and parsley on 12. I was planning to plant peppers and watermelons in the rest of the land in February.

I sowed the wheat about a month ago and the parsley in April. I harvest the parsley once a month. Each dunam yields 1.5 tons of parsley. The price varies. Sometimes I sell 1.5 tons for 3,000 ILS, sometimes less, sometimes more.

I began harvesting the parsley in July and I’ve already harvested it five times. The seeds for every dunam of parsley cost 1,200 ILS, and each dunam takes a truckload of fertilizer, which costs 1,200 ILS, and all sorts of chemicals, several times a month.

One bag of 25 kg costs 125 ILS. I’m left with 1,000 ILS from every 1.5 tons of parsley sold.

One morning around the end of December, I don’t remember when exactly, I saw an Israeli plane spraying a white substance over the border area. It was flying very low, inside the Palestinian area, about 100 meters west of the border fence.

Two days later, when I was in the fields I cultivate, I saw that the parsley had gone yellow, and realized it had been destroyed by the spraying.

The wind blew the herbicides to our crops. We were supposed to harvest the parsley and sell it, but I had to gather it up and throw it out.

Now I’m waiting for the parsley to grow again. Forty dunams of wheat were also destroyed. We have only eight left.

I had made commitments to suppliers. I was supposed to sell them parsley, but because the crop was destroyed and I didn’t deliver the goods, they had to buy parsley from other farmers and I lost their business.

An airplane sprayed the border area in April 2015, too, and we lost crops on eight dunams of parsley, eight dunams of green pepper and eight dunams of watermelon. I plowed the land and sowed again.

I lost about 19,000 ILS. At the time, people from the ICRC and the Ministry of Agriculture came by, took photos of the crop and assessed the damages, but I haven’t received financial compensation from anyone.

I buy herbicides, materials for treating the crops and seeds on credit, with the intention of paying back once I sell the crops, but I haven’t had a crop and now I have debts I’ll have to pay back.

If the Israeli army goes on spraying around the border, I’ll have to stop farming, and I don’t know how my brothers and I are going to provide for our families. We have no source of income except farming.

We suffer from Israeli military fire around the border area, especially when there are clashes. My children and I take risks and go out to protect our crops from the demonstrators, exposing ourselves to Israeli military fire. Crops damaged by the spraying.

Photo by Khaled al-'Azayzeh, B'Tselem, 31 December 2015 Crops damaged by the spraying. Photo by Khaled al-'Azayzeh, B'Tselem, 31 December 2015

Testimony of H.A., 47, married father of six, farmer and resident of al-Musadar, a village that lies north-east of Deir al-Balah, some 450 meters from the border fence. Testimony given to Khaled al-'Azayzeh on 31 December 2015 I have a 50-dunam plot right next to the western side of the border fence, in the eastern part of the village of al-Musadar.

My house is on this plot, but since my land reaches all the way to the border, I can only cultivate 25 dunams of it.

The rest of the plot is right in front of me, but I can’t reach it because the Israeli army shoots anyone who comes within 150 meters of the border. I planted wheat, barley, fava beans and peas in the part of the plot that I can cultivate.

The cost of the seeds and the plowing, including renting a tractor, was about 5,000 ILS and I paid another 5,000 ILS for laborers to help me cultivate the land. On Tuesday, 8 December 2015, at around 7:00 AM, I was on the land near the house when an Israeli plane arrived and started spraying the areas around the border. It went about 200 meters into the Palestinian area. It flew very low, and right then the wind was blowing in the direction of our house. I didn’t think these herbicides would be so devastating.

The army sprays that area every year and so far, the damage hasn’t been that bad.

Usually, only plants up to 100 meters from the border are harmed. At that distance, people hardly grow anything, so there are no crops that get destroyed from the spraying, just grazing pastures.

About two days after the spraying, I began to see the damage on the leaves of the plants. Five days later, I could already see the damage to the peas and the fava beans, which dried up. When I saw that, I couldn’t believe it.

My plants were burnt, right in front of me, and I realized I’d lost my crop and I wouldn’t see even one shekel from it. They destroyed our crop for no reason. Ten days later, I lost any hope of getting anything out of my crop.

I brought a tractor in and plowed the wheat and barley fields and replanted them. I left the peas as they were, because it costs a lot of money to plant it again and I won’t make it in time for this season anyway.

The wheat and barley I sowed now are also late, but I’m hoping they’ll grow anyway. I have no source of income other than farming.

I was really hoping for a good pea and fava bean crop. One kg of peas sells for 5 ILS now, and a kilo of fava beans is about 16. I put a lot of money into herbicides for this field before it got sprayed.

Luckily, I get my fertilizer from my livestock, so I didn’t have to pay for that. I have ten sheep and goats, which I can’t graze near the fence now because the plants there have been poisoned. I’ll have to buy animal feed at the market.

I borrowed about 7,000 ILS for farming expenses, including hiring the tractor, paying laborers and buying materials. Now I can’t pay back the loan because I lost the crop.

I was also hoping that the income from the crop would help us build a house, after our house was destroyed in the last war. We live in a makeshift wood and tin structure on the first floor of what was our house.

The conditions are very harsh. It’s very hot in the summer, and now, in the winter, it’s cold and the kids are always sick. I don’t know why the planes sprayed like that for no reason, and why they let us put our heart and soul into working the land and then spray before we manage to harvest the crop. Marks from the spray on leaves.

Photo by Muhammad Sa'id, B'Tselem, 29 December 2015 Marks from the spray on leaves.

Photo by Muhammad Sa'id, B'Tselem, 29 December 2015

Testimony of Saeil Mustafa Abu Sa’id, 48, married and father of eight, farmer and resident of al-Bureij Refugee Camp. Testimony given to Khaled al-A’zayzeh on 30 December 2015: We live about 800 meters from the border fence, to the east of al-Bureij refugee camp. I own about 10 dunams of farmland near my home. My land is also about 800 meters from the fence. There’s an olive grove on part of the land, and on the remainder I grow crops such as wheat, barley, and fava beans. I also rented another seven dunams next to my plot and used to grow vegetables there, but at the moment I’m not growing anything on it. There’s also a well on my land. Over the years we’ve suffered a lot from shooting from the military watchtowers, particularly early in the morning, because of the fog, and in the evening. So I stopped going to my land at these times because I’m afraid they’ll shoot me. Apart from the shooting, the Israeli military sprays herbicide all along the border at least once a year. Last year, an airplane sprayed the border area in December or January. At the time I had two dunams of fava beans, three dunams of eggplants, and two dunams of zucchini. On the rest of my land I’d planted wheat and rye. The spraying destroyed 80 percent of my crops. I’d put over two months’ work into those crops – watering them, spraying them, fertilizing the land, and covering the zucchini with plastic sheets at night. Every dunam needed about 800 shekels worth of herbicide. The same thing happened this year. About two weeks ago, I was on my land one morning tending to my crops – fava beans, wheat, and barley. Suddenly an airplane appeared and sprayed over the border area, about 100 meters to the west of the fence, into the Palestinian side. As the plane turned around, it flew hundreds of meters inside Palestinian territory. It was flying low. At the time I couldn’t tell whether the herbicide had affected my land, but a few days later I saw that my crops had begun to turn yellow. Some of the fava beans I had planted on two dunams of land had gone dry and yellow and were ruined, and four dunams of wheat and three of barley were also totally destroyed. I lost 2,500 ILS because of the spraying. Now I’m trying to repair the damage. I’m spraying a special substance to try and save what’s left of the fava beans. Every four days I spray at least once, and it costs me 80 ILS every time. I hoped that the treatment would help and I’d be able to sell the crop on the market. Unfortunately it didn’t work and I’ll only be able to sell it as fodder for sheep. Fava beans sell for around 16 shekels a kilo at the moment, and I’d hoped to harvest 50 kilos a day. Now, because of the spraying by the Israeli military, I can’t sell even a single kilo, and instead I’ll have to sell it off as fodder for sheep at one shekel a kilo. Apart from the spraying, we also suffer from shooting by the military. On Friday, 25 December 2015, I was on my land at about 3:20 P.M. together with my neighbor Yusuf Mubarak Abu Sabika, 48. He was working on land he rented next to my land and he came over to talk to me. At the same time, some young people were holding a demonstration opposite the fence, to the east of al-Bureij. Yusuf and I were standing about 350 meters from the clashes. Someone called Yusuf on the phone and he moved about 50 meters away from me, toward the fence, to take the call. So by then he was 300 meters away from the clashes. The soldiers fired live shots at the demonstrators and two bullets hit Yusuf, one in the thigh and the other in the stomach. He took a few steps, clutching his stomach, and then he fell down. I was shocked when I saw he’d been injured. He’s a farmer and had nothing to do with the demonstration. After a few minutes an ambulance came and took him to hospital. I went home and later learned that Yusuf had died. I lost a fellow farmer and a neighbor who had done nothing more than earn a living for his family. Marks from the spray on leaves. Photo by Muhammad Sa'id, B'Tselem, 29 December 2015 Marks from the spray on leaves. Photo by Muhammad Sa'id, B'Tselem, 29 December 2015 Testimony of Ghazi Ahmad Ibrahim a-Najar, 48, married and father of five, farmer and resident of the town of Khuza’ah to the east of Khan Yunis. Testimony given to B'Tselem field researcher Muhammad Sa’id on 30 December 2015: I own four dunams of farmland to the east of Khuza’ah, about 500 meters from the border fence. Apart from my own land, I rent a plot of 18 dunams to increase my income. Eight dunams of that plot are 300 meters from the fence and the rest are 400 to 600 meters from the fence. On Wednesday, 23 December 2015, at about 8:00 A.M., I was close to my land when I saw two Israeli military vehicles driving near the border and dust kicked up by tanks on the other side of the fence. I picked up my stuff and walked away until reached the home of my sister and brother-in-law, which is nearby and overlooks the border fence. A few minutes later I heard the military vehicles getting closer to the Palestinian area. I saw four bulldozers and two tanks start to flatten an area that lies about 50 meters from the border, on the Palestinian side. I stayed there and watched what was happening together with my sister and her husband.

After about half an hour I saw two airplanes.

One flew about 30-70 meters into the Palestinian side and the other stayed on the Israeli side.

The planes and vehicles they went on working until about 9:30 A.M. The planes would disappear from a little while and then come back again.

The substance sprayed from the planes scattered across a large area because of the wind and reached a distance of hundreds of meters.

Two days after they sprayed the area, I was working on my land when I noticed white stains on the wheat.

The stains spread over the course of the day, and then the leaves turned yellow and wilted completely, particularly in the area closest to the border. Four dunams of wheat were totally ruined, and now I have to plow the whole area and plant again.

The rest of my land was also damaged, but only partially. All the farmers and residents in the Khan Yunis area know about these planes and have seen them several times over the past couple of years.

Twice a year, in April and at the end of the year, they spray the weeds close to the border strip, but the spraying also affects our crops. It costs us a lot of money every time, not to mention the time and work we put into the crops.

Testimony of Suliman ‘Abd al-Karim Mahana, 60, married and father of thirteen, farmer and resident of the a-Sreij neighborhood in eastern al-Qararah, Khan Yunis District.

Testimony given to Muhammad Sa’id on 29 December 2015: I have eight sons, all of whom work as farmers. It’s our only source of income. I own 35 dunams of farmland in eastern al-Qararah, about 400 to 800 meters from the border fence.

We sowed winter crops on the land and some of them had already grown and were ready for harvesting. I planted barley on 10 dunams closest to the border area, 400 meters from the fence.

On five dunams of land at the same distance from the fence I planted bitter vetch, a legume that’s used as fodder for livestock.

Barley and bitter vetch don’t need a lot of care, which is why I plant them on the land closest to the fence.

On seven dunams that lie 500 meters from the fence I planted zucchini.

On another seven dunams at the same distance from the fence I planted peas, and on six dunams that lie 800 meters from the fence I planted spinach.

On Monday, 21 December 2015, at about 6:00 A.M., I was already awake and about to head out to my land when I heard a plane flying close to our house.

I went up to the roof and saw a yellow agricultural airplane flying at a height of about 30 to 60 meters, about 100 meters west of the border on the Palestinian side. The plane was flying from north to the south, spraying a thick substance.

The spraying went on for about two hours – every time the plane went away for a while and then reappeared. I don’t know what substance it was spraying, but I could see it spread hundreds of meters from the fence because of the wind.

The morning after they sprayed the area, I noticed new white stains on the leaves and stalks of the plants.

I realized that it was because of the spraying the day before and asked my sons to harvest all the crops that were ripe that day, before they got any worse.

Sure enough, over the next three days, the damage to the plants got worse and most of them dried up completely. The plants that suffered the worst damage were the leafy ones like spinach, barley, and bitter vetch. I have to plow and replant that land. The other plants were also damaged, but not as badly.

Substances like the one they sprayed affect the plants’ lifespan and the number of times you can harvest them.

For example, zucchini usually yields 17 harvests a year, but now that it’s been exposed to this material, I don’t know whether it will flower again.

Over the past couple of years we’ve gotten used to the Israeli military spraying herbicides from airplanes close to the border at this time of year. In 2014, after the last round of fighting, our crops were also very badly damaged after the herbicide reached our land.

I’d estimate that my financial losses are around 5,000 dollars, not including work time.

The Israeli occupation authorities persecute us and damage our livelihood all the time. We’ve also suffered many times from shooting and other obstacles that the military puts in the way of our work.

They endanger our lives and our children’s lives. Two years ago, one of my sons was injured by a bullet while he was working on our land.

The bullet hit him in the spine, paralyzed him, and totally ruined his life.

Testimony of ‘Ali Salameh Abu Sawarin , 29, married and father of four, farmer and resident of the al-Muharabah area in Deir al-Balah.

Testimony given to Muhammad Sa’id on 29 December 2015: I’m a farmer and I have eight dunams of land in the al-Qararah area northeast of Khan Yunis. I also rent a 60-dunam plot in the Wadi a-Salqa area, a little north of my land, to increase my income. Seven dunams of my land are 200 to 300 meters away from the border.

I sowed seeds there about two months ago, in coordination with the ICRC.

They sent officials and laborers, and a tractor and plow with ICRC flags on them, so we could plow and sow. We have been banned from farming there since before Operation Protective Edge.

The rest of my land is 400 to 600 meters away from the fence. I sowed zucchini on 15 dunams, peas on ten, fava beans on ten, cabbage on six and spinach on eight. I left the rest empty.

On Wednesday, 23 December 2015, around 8:00 AM, I was working the land in the Wadi a-Salqa area. I was watering the plants and treating them when I saw a yellow agricultural airplane flying along the border fence, at about a 100-meter height.

While flying, the plane released a thick substance that flew hundreds of meters to the west because of the wind, and reached our land and our plants.

The plane continued flying about a kilometer to the south, and then turned around and flew back. The spraying lasted for about two hours.

The next day, white stains appeared on the leaves and stalks of the plants. From that moment, the more sun the plants got, the worse the damage got, until they finally dried up completely. That happened to most of my plants and crops, especially the leafy ones, which I can’t sell anymore. The area that’s 200 to 400 meters from the fence was the worst hit by the spraying.

The rest of my land was also damaged, but less. I put a lot of money, work hours and effort into farming these fields and I lost them. The spraying isn’t new. The Israeli occupation forces harm us, our livelihoods, and our children’s livelihoods every time they do it. We feel that they’re doing it deliberately. * 1 dunam = 0.1 hectare

http://www.btselem.org/gaza_strip/20160204_crops_sprayed_with_herbicide

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10 février 2016 3 10 /02 /février /2016 02:38

Les Palestiniens mobilisés pour un journaliste gréviste de la faim en danger de mort

AFP 07/02/2016

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Des rassemblements ont eu lieu dimanche à travers les Territoires occupés, tandis que les responsables palestiniens tiraient la sonnette d'alarme pour Mohammed al-Qiq, journaliste en grève de la faim depuis 75 jours et en danger de mort toujours retenu par Israël.

Le journaliste palestinien a décidé de poursuivre sa grève de la faim bien que la justice israélienne ait suspendu sa détention administrative, sans inculpation ni procès, avait affirmé son avocat vendredi.

Samedi soir, les défenseurs du reporter de 33 ans de la chaîne saoudienne al-Majd publiaient un communiqué affirmant qu'il "luttait contre la mort" sur le lit de l'hôpital d'Afoula, dans le nord d'Israël, où il est toujours menotté.

"Mohammed est dans un état d'extrême faiblesse, chaque centimètre de son corps le fait souffrir et les médecins disent qu'il peut mourir à tout instant".

Aussitôt, des rassemblements de soutien se sont formés, à Gaza et dimanche à Hébron et Bethléem, dans le sud de la Cisjordanie occupée, ainsi qu'à Jénine et à Naplouse dans le nord, ainsi qu'à Ramallah, où vivait le journaliste palestinien avant son incarcération.

Là, parmi des dizaines de Palestiniens réunis à l'appel du syndicat des journalistes et des organisations de défense des détenus palestiniens dans les prisons d'Israël, des militants ont annoncé une grève de la faim en solidarité avec M. Qiq. Parmi eux, Khader Adnane, qui avait lui-même obtenu la levée de sa détention administrative au prix de deux mois d'une grève de la faim qui l'avaient amené au bord de la mort.

L'Onu, l'UE et la Croix-Rouge se sont à plusieurs reprises alarmées notamment après que les médecins ont fait état de possibles "dommages irréversibles" infligés à la santé du journaliste.

Jeudi, la Cour suprême israélienne a suspendu sa détention administrative, ce régime extrajudiciaire controversé qui permet la détention sans inculpation ni procès pour des périodes de six mois renouvelables indéfiniment, mais il n'a toujours pas le droit de quitter l'hôpital sans autorisation.

Pour ses défenseurs, M. Qiq risque d'être remis en prison une fois rétabli car sa détention administrative court encore jusqu'au 1er mai.

Le reporter, lui, a prévenu qu'il ne recommencerait à s'alimenter qu'une fois "libre".

Selon le Club des prisonniers palestinien, outre M. Qiq, 12 autres journalistes sont détenus par Israël, dont l'un depuis plus de 20 ans, ainsi que cinq étudiants en journalisme.

http://www.lorientlejour.com/article/969055/les-palestiniens-mobilises-pour-un-journaliste-greviste-de-la-faim-en-danger-de-mort.html

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10 février 2016 3 10 /02 /février /2016 02:37

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IOF target Gaza farmers and fishermen

National News 28 Views Share• Facebook • Twitter • Google + • Stumbleupon • LinkedIn • Pinterest Related Articles 608581607-660x330 IOF kidnap 18 youths across West Bank, Monday overnight 19 mins ago red cross gaza.jpg.hashed.d528540d.desktop.story.inline Gaza Red Cross office opened after temporary closure 35 mins ago

PNN/ Gaza/ Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF) on Monday morning have opened fire towards farmers east of Al-Breij camp, central Gaza, and the fishermen off Al-Sudaniyya shores.

Local sources said that troops in the Al-Madrasa military camp, situated on the buffer zone east of Al-Breij, have opened gunfire on a group of farmers who were trying to approach their lands.

Sources added that the Israeli navy have also opened fire towards the fishermen’s boats some 4 miles off Sudaniyya shores, causing partial damage to the boats and making the fishermen flee. No injuries were reported.

http://english.pnn.ps/2016/02/08/iof-target-gaza-farmers-and-fishermen/

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9 février 2016 2 09 /02 /février /2016 02:39

Israeli forces detain 3 children, 6 others in West Bank raids

Feb. 7, 2016 1:00 P.M. (Updated: Feb. 7, 2016 1:00 P.M.) Facebook51Twitter

HEBRON (Ma’an) -- Israeli forces detained at least 10 Palestinians in overnight raids on Sunday. Local sources told Ma’an that Israeli troops stormed the village of Sair northeast of Hebron early on Sunday and detained three children.

The three brothers, identified as Mujahid, Qusay and Saad Nimer Froukh, are 11, 12 and 14 years old respectively, and were taken to an unknown location.

Locals added that the boys are cousins of Fadi Hassan al-Froukh, who was killed by Israeli soldiers on Nov. 1 during clashes at the Beit Einun crossroads in eastern Hebron after allegedly attempting to stab an Israeli soldier.

An Israeli army spokeswoman confirmed to Ma’an that three people had been detained northeast of Hebron. She said three more Palestinians were detained in Hebron, two Qalqiliya and one northwest of Ramallah.

Local sources identified one of those detained in Hebron as Amjad al-Hammouri.

Palestinian security sources told Ma’an that Israeli forces also detained a Palestinian security officer southeast of Nablus and identified him as Qusay Younis Hanini, 27, of Beit Furik.

They added that another Palestinian man was summoned to meet with Israeli intelligence after his home was raided in Asira al-Shamaliya north of Nablus.

The Israeli army spokesperson said she did not have immediate information on raids in the Nablus area and would look into the reports.

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http://maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=770166

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