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10 mars 2017 5 10 /03 /mars /2017 09:56
Report: Israeli forces detained 420 Palestinians in February
 
 
March 4, 2017 8:57 P.M. (Updated: March 5, 2017 4:54 P.M.)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
RAMALLAH (Ma'an) -- Israeli forces detained 420 Palestinians during the month of February, including 70 minors and 22 women and girls, according to a statement released on Saturday by the Palestinian Prisoners’ Center for Studies.

The center said in its monthly report that 12 of the detentions were carried out in the besieged Gaza Strip, including five fishermen whose boats were destroyed by Israeli forces before their detention, two who were detained at the Beit Hanoun crossing, and five who were detained after Israel alleged they attempted to cross the border fence between the besieged enclave and Israel.

A journalist was also among the detainees, identified by the center as Humam Muhammad Hantash from the southern occupied West Bank district of Hebron. He was sentenced to Israel’s widely condemned policy of administrative detention -- imprisonment without charge or trial based on undisclosed evidence.

The center added that 88 administrative detention orders were issued by Israeli courts in the same period, 23 of which were issued for the first time, while 65 were renewed orders. Meanwhile, 32 administrative detention orders were issued against Palestinians from Hebron.

While Israeli authorities claim the withholding of evidence during administrative detention, which allows detention for three- to six-month renewable intervals, is essential for state security concerns, rights groups have instead claimed that the policy allows Israeli authorities to hold Palestinians for an indefinite period of time without showing any evidence that could justify their detentions.

Rights groups say that Israel's administrative detention policy has also been used as an attempt to disrupt Palestinian political and social processes, notably targeting Palestinian politicians, activists, and journalists.

According to Addameer, as of January, 6,500 Palestinians were being held in Israeli prisons, 536 of whom were being held under administrative detention.

 
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10 mars 2017 5 10 /03 /mars /2017 09:51
La Knesset veut limiter les appels à la prière dans les mosquées
 
Israël
OLJ
09/03/2017
 
 
Le Parlement israélien a commencé hier à se prononcer sur des projets de loi pour limiter, voire interdire, les appels à la prière dans les mosquées. Les députés ont approuvé en vote préliminaire deux textes qui seront présentés devant une commission du Parlement afin de les fondre en un seul projet de loi qui ne pourra avoir force de loi qu'après trois lectures. Le premier texte interdit les appels des muezzins de 23h00 à 07h00. Il a été présenté par le Foyer juif, un parti nationaliste religieux membre de la majorité, et adopté dans une atmosphère très tendue par 55 voix contre 47. Il est conforme à la proposition adoptée par le gouvernement en février.
 
Le deuxième est plus restrictif puisqu'il prévoit une interdiction totale du recours à des haut-parleurs de mosquées dans les zones urbaines. Il est défendu par Israël Beiteinou, un parti nationaliste laïc lui aussi membre de la majorité. Il a été approuvé par 55 voix contre 48.
 
Les initiateurs de ces projets de lois ont invoqué la nécessité de réduire « les souffrances quotidiennes de centaines de milliers d'Israéliens exposés aux nuisances sonores des haut-parleurs des mosquées ». « La liberté de culte ne doit pas être appliquée au détriment de la qualité de la vie », défend l'un des textes.
 
L'un des initiateurs des projets de loi, le député Motti Yogev du Foyer juif, a affirmé durant les débats houleux que les haut-parleurs n'avaient « pas toujours existé ». Et il a affirmé que « tous ceux qui veulent se lever pour se rendre à la mosquée » pouvaient utiliser un réveil.
 
Ahmad Tibi, un député arabe d'opposition de la Liste unifiée, a pour sa part qualifié ces projets de loi « d'actes racistes ».
 
Les appels à la prière font partie « d'une importante cérémonie religieuse musulmane et la Knesset n'est jamais intervenue pour se mêler des cérémonies religieuses juives », a-t-il affirmé. « Cette loi ne porte ni sur le bruit ni sur la qualité de vie. Il s'agit d'une incitation raciste contre une minorité nationale », a quant à lui dénoncé Ayman Odeh, chef de file de la Liste unifiée.

Le texte s'appliquerait également à Jérusalem-Est, la partie de la ville occupée et annexée par Israël où vivent plus de 300 000 Palestiniens, mais pas à la mosquée al-Aqsa, le troisième lieu saint de l'islam et objet de tensions, selon un responsable israélien.
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10 mars 2017 5 10 /03 /mars /2017 09:50
Uri Avnery's Column
 
 
The Cannons of Napoleon

 

NAPOLEON CAME to a German town and was not welcomed with the traditional artillery salute.

Furious, he summoned the mayor and demanded an explanation.

The German produced a long scroll of paper and said: "I have a list of 99 reasons. Reason No. 1: we have no cannon."

"That's enough'" Napoleon interrupted him, "You can go home!"

I WAS reminded of this story some two weeks ago, when I read Yitzhak Herzog's 10-point peace plan.

Herzog, the leader of the Labor Party, is an honest and intelligent person. All the bad things written about him when it seemed that he was crawling towards Binyamin Netanyahu’s coalition have been refuted by the recent disclosure about the Aqaba peace initiative.

The rulers of Egypt, Jordan and Israel, so it appeared, had met in secret and asked Herzog to make peace possible by joining Netanyahu's coalition. Herzog was hoodwinked by Netanyahu and agreed. He kept silent under the storm of contemptuous reactions. That shows that he is both decent and responsible.

No doubt, he could be a good prime minister for Ireland, where his grandfather had been the Chief Rabbi, or even in Switzerland. But not in Israel.

Israel now needs a strong leader, with lots of charisma and a profound understanding of the historic conflict. Not a Herzog.

COMING BACK to Napoleon.

Two weeks ago Herzog proudly published his Peace Plan, consisting of 10 points.

Point No. 1 is an ritual repetition of the two-states principle. It is point No.2 that is the crux of the matter. It says that the negotiations for peace will start 10 years from now.

That's where Napoleon would have said "That's enough. Go home!"

The idea that peace negotiations can be postponed for 10 years is preposterous. A people under a brutal occupation will not sit still for ten years. During this time, the plan obliges the Palestinians (Point 6) to act against "terrorism and sedition". No mention of Israeli violence and "sedition".

After 10 years, "on condition that during these years there will be no violence in the area", peace negotiations will start.

In our area, 10 years are an eternity. Several wars are raging in the area right now. As the occupation goes on, an intifada may break out in Palestine any moment.

During these 10 years, Jewish settlement in the occupied territories will go on merrily. True, only in the "settlement blocs". These imaginary blocs have never been defined, and Herzog does not define them either. No maps of these blocs exist. There is no agreement about the number of these blocs, and most certainly not about their borders.

For an Arab, "settlement blocs" are just a device to continue building settlements while pretending not to. As an Arab has said: "We negotiate about a pizza, and in the meantime you eat the pizza."

There are claims that all the territory east of Jerusalem belongs to a settlement bloc and should be annexed to Israel right now. This would almost cut the future State of Palestine into two, with only a few kilometers of desert near Jericho to connect them.

AH, JERUSALEM! It does not exist in Herzog's plan. That may seem curious – but it is not. It means that the Herzog plan does not envision any change in the status of "United Jerusalem, the eternal capital of Israel."

Here Napoleon comes in again. A plan that does not include a solution for Jerusalem is a town without cannons.

Anybody who has even the slightest idea of Arab and Muslim sensibilities knows that no Arab or Muslim in the world will agree to make peace if it leaves East Jerusalem and the Holy Sanctuary in non-Muslim hands. There can be several solutions for Jerusalem – partition, joint sovereignty and more – but a plan that does not propose any solution is worthless. It shows an abysmal ignorance of the Arab world.

What else does not appear in the plan? The refugees, of course.

In the 1948 war, more than half the Palestinian people fled from their homes or were driven out. (In a recent article, I have tried to describe what actually happened.) Many of these refugees and their descendants now live in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Many others live in the neighboring Arab states and all over the world.

No Arab can sign a peace agreement that does not provide at least a token solution.

By now it is more or less silently agreed that there must be a "just and agreed" solution, which would envision, I suppose, a return of a limited number, paying generous compensation to finance the settlement of all others outside Israel.

But for many Israelis, even letting one single refugee return constitutes a mortal danger to Israel as a "Jewish and democratic" state.

Not mentioning the problem at all – except as a nebulous "core issue" – is, well, silly.

THERE IS another issue that is not mentioned.

The plan demands unity among the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza as a condition for peace. Fine. But does that concern us?

It sure does.

In the Oslo agreement, Israel undertook to open four "safe passages" between the West Bank and Gaza, a distance of about 40 kilometers, through Israeli territory. It left open the character of these passages – extra-territorial roads, a railway line or whatever. In fact, no passage was ever opened, though road signs were set up and later removed. This was and is a flagrant breach of the agreement.

The inevitable result (see: Pakistan) is the breakup into two entities: the West Bank under the PLO and the Gaza Strip under Hamas. The Israeli government seems quite happy with this situation.

Reunification demands the opening of the passages. No word about this in the Herzog plan.

Altogether, the plan looks like a Swiss cheese – more holes than substance.

I HAVE in my life taken part in the formulation of a great many Peace Plans. In September 1958 my friends and I published the "Hebrew Manifesto", a document of 82 points, including a comprehensive peace plan. So I might claim to be a kind of expert on plan-making (as, alas, distinguished from peace-making).

The Herzog plan has nothing to do with peace-making. It is not intended to win Arab hearts. It is a ramshackle verbal construct designed to appeal to Jewish Israeli voters.

All intelligent Israelis realize by now that we are facing a fateful choice: either two states, or an apartheid state, or a single Arab-majority state. Most Israelis want none of these.

Anyone who wants to lead Israel must come up with a Solution. So this is Herzog's Solution. It is designed solely for Jewish-Israeli eyes. Arabs need not apply.

As such, is it no better or worse than many other Peace Plans.

Just another exercise in futility.

 

http://zope.gush-shalom.org/home/en/channels/avnery/1488552905/

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9 mars 2017 4 09 /03 /mars /2017 00:35
Publish Date: 2017/03/07
Dutch official says recognition of Palestine on government agenda
 
 
 

 
Members of the Dutch and Palestinian foreign ministries n Ramallah.

 

 

RAMALLAH, March 7, 2017 (WAFA) – Recognition of Palestine is on the agenda of the Dutch government, Andre Haspels, director general of political affairs at the Dutch foreign ministry, said on Tuesday.

Haspels, who held talks with Palestinian officials in Ramallah, stressed the importance of cooperation between Holland and Palestine in all fields, particularly in the academic sector.

He said he was in Palestine to study the situation and needs of the Palestinian people.

Amal Jadou, assistant minister and head of the European department at the foreign ministry, briefed the Dutch officials on the latest political and economic developments in the occupied Palestinian territories.

She said the economic situation is very difficult in the absence of a clear political horizon at this time.

M.K.

 

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=UPCjzua56218146204aUPCjzu

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9 mars 2017 4 09 /03 /mars /2017 00:25
65 Palestinian women and girls imprisoned by Israel as world marks Women's Day
 
 
March 8, 2017 11:54 A.M. (Updated: March 8, 2017 2:52 P.M.)
 
 
(File)
 
 
 
RAMALLAH (Ma'an) -- As the world marks International Women's Day, 65 Palestinian women, including 12 minors, are being imprisoned by Israel "under dire conditions," according to a statement released by the Palestinian Prisoner's Society (PPS) on Tuesday.

The 65 women are being held in Israel's HaSharon and Damon prisons, where prison cells are unbearably cold in winter and hot in summer. In addition, the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) imposes restrictions on provision of clothes, bed sheets, and shoes, PPS said.

The statement said that Palestinian political prisoners were held in cells very close to those of Israeli women held on criminal charges, and they were subjected to routine verbal abuse from the Israeli prisoners.

According to the statement, the longest serving female prisoner is Lina al-Jarbouni, who has been jailed since 2002.

“Palestinian women continue to suffer severe psychological, physical, and emotional abuse and endure grave acts of oppression, violence, and hardship at the hands of Israel and its unbridled violations," PLO Executive Committee Member Hanan Ashrawi said in a statement on Tuesday to mark the eve of International Women's Day.

According to Ashrawi, since the Israeli military takeover of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip in 1967, some 15,000 Palestinian women and girls have been imprisoned by Israeli authorities.

Ashrawi went on to honor Palestinian women for their role in the national resistance against Israeli occupation, saying that "the national struggle for self-determination, freedom, and dignity in spite of the challenges and difficulties they face... are the focal principles that govern the struggle of women for their own rights within Palestinian society and beyond."

On Saturday, spokesperson of the Palestinian Prisoners’ Center for Studies Amina al-Tawil released a statement describing the harsh conditions facing Palestinian women prisoners being held in HaSharon and Damon, highlighting that living conditions “worsen day by day,” noting that many Palestinian women prisoners lacked the “basics of human life,” while prison officials “ban them from even simple rights and from continuing their studies.”

At the time, IPS had temporarily transferred 16 Palestinian women prisoners in Section 11 of HaSharon prison to Damon prison in order to begin much-needed repairs in the prison section.

Al-Tawil noted at the time that 12 of the transferred prisoners have been suffering from bullet wounds inflicted by Israeli forces at the time of their detentions, and have experienced medical neglect during their imprisonment.

Israel's HaSharon prison was where the youngest Palestinian prisoner, 12-year-old Dima al-Wawi, was held for more than two months last year after Israeli forces accused her of attempted manslaughter and being in possession of a knife when she was detained.

Since a wave of political unrest spread across the occupied Palestinian territory in October 2015, leading to Israeli forces carrying out mass detention campaigns, the number of Palestinian women and girls detained by Israeli forces has risen sharply. In 2015 alone, Israeli forces detained 106 Palestinian women and girls, which according to Addameer represented a 70 percent increase compared to detention numbers in 2013.

Most Palestinian women detained by Israeli forces are held in HaSharon and Damon, which the group pointed out are both located outside of the 1967 occupied Palestinian territory, in direct violation of international law that states that an occupying power must hold detainees within the occupied territory.

Addameer has also reported on the treatment of Palestinian women prisoners by Israeli prison authorities, stating that the majority of Palestinian women detainees were subjected to "psychological torture" and "ill-treatment" by Israeli authorities, including "various forms of sexual violence that occur such as beatings, insults, threats, body searches, and sexually explicit harassment.”

“These techniques of torture and ill-treatment are used not only as means to intimidate Palestinian women detainees but also as tools to humiliate Palestinian women and coerce them into giving confessions,” the group stated, adding that “while Israel’s prison authorities and military forces recruit women soldiers to detain, and accompany women prisoners during transfers, the female soldiers responsible for these procedures are no less violent towards Palestinian detainees than their male counterparts.

Meanwhile, the group has also researched the “policy of medical negligence” by IPS officials in the prisons, citing a study conducted in 2008 by the group that revealed that “approximately 38 percent of Palestinian female prisoners suffer from treatable diseases that go untreated. The poor quality of food and lack of essential nutrients cause women detainees to suffer from weight loss, general weakness, anemia and iron deficiency.”

 
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9 mars 2017 4 09 /03 /mars /2017 00:19
Unjustified gunfire by Border Police officer during protest in Tuqu’: 17-year-old fatally shot with 0.22-inch caliber bullets
Published:
7 Mar 2017

Qusai al-‘Amur. Photo courtesy of the family

 

Qusai al-‘Amur. Photo courtesy of the family

 

On 16 January 2017, at about 3:45 P.M., a Border Police officer fatally shot Qusai Hassan Muhammad al-‘Amur, 17, a resident of the town of Tuqu’, Bethlehem District. He fired four 0.22-inch caliber bullets at al-‘Amur. During the hour and a half preceding the shooting, young Tuqu’ residents threw stones at Israeli security forces who were standing at the entrance to the town. The security forces fired rubber-coated metal bullets and tear gas and threw stun grenades at the youths. The stone-throwing abated and only three youths, who had taken shelter among olive trees, remained on the scene and threw a few stones at the security forces. It was at this point in time that the Border Police officer fatally shot Qusai al-‘Amur. Video footage published in the media shows soldiers and Border Police officers running over to al-‘Amur as he lay wounded on the ground, seizing him violently, and dragging him away by his arms and legs, with his head and back repeatedly knocking against the ground.

At about 2:30 P.M. on 16 January 2017 seven Israeli security service vehicles entered the Palestinian town of Tuqu’ which lies south of Bethlehem. The vehicles drove out of the town shortly thereafter, but six remained at the entrance, some 80-100 meters from olive groves and the adjacent municipality building. About ten youths and teenagers, some masked, gathered in the area of the olive grove and the road beside it. They began throwing stones at the Israeli security personnel who were standing by the jeeps. The soldiers and Border Police officers fired rubber-coated metal bullets and tear gas at the youths and also threw stun grenades at them.

Over an hour later, at about 3:45 P.M., the clashes subsided. Two of the military jeeps advanced a few meters, and a group of soldiers and Border Police officers, including two snipers armed with Ruger rifles, took up positions behind and in the vehicles. Hisham Abu Shaqrah, a photojournalist with the Turkish Anadolu Agency, began filming the clashes from about 3:00 P.M. from a spot near the olive grove. He recounted the events he saw to B’Tselem field researcher Musa Abu Hashhash:

Most of them ran away and three masked youths remained under the olive trees. One of them sat down facing the soldiers. Suddenly I heard gunfire, the sound of four bullets being fired by a sniper from the spot where the soldiers were standing. I quickly turned my camera toward the olive trees where the masked youths were. I saw that the youth who had been sitting up had fallen down, and several soldiers were running toward him. When they reached him they picked him up violently. I filmed them dragging him by his arms and taking him over to the military vehicles. As they dragged him, his body bumped along the ground.

Taysir Abu Mfareh, 47, a resident of Tuqu’ and the administrative director of the Tuqu’ Municipal Council, was standing close to the municipality building at the time of the shooting. In testimony taken by B'Tselem field researcher Musa Abu Hashhash, Abu Mfareh described the shooting:

Most of the youths ran off. Three guys, including al-‘Amur, moved over to the olive grove, about 80 meters away from the soldiers. Things were much calmer. I looked at the soldiers and at the youths, who threw a few stones at the soldiers every few minutes. I thought that the clashes were just about over. Suddenly I saw a soldier behind a military vehicle shoot toward the olive trees, and I heard gunfire, not loud but several bullets in quick succession. Several soldiers rushed toward the olive trees, running until they reached the injured youth. A few soldiers picked him up and ran with him toward the military jeeps, his back hitting the ground. The soldiers put him down behind a military jeep, and one of them tried to give him first aid.

A few minutes after the soldiers evacuated al-‘Amur, several dozen local residents came to the area and attempted to approach the military jeeps. Among the residents was al-‘Amur’s 39-year-old sister Hiyam. The soldiers called out to the residents to keep back, and fired tear gas and other crowd control measures. They also fired live ammunition into the air and threw stun grenades. The video clip documenting the incident also shows a soldier firing at Hiyam al-‘Amur’s leg as she stood about 10 meters away from him, and immediately thereafter shooting in the leg another youth who came to help her.

A few minutes later, the soldiers carried al-‘Amur to another military jeep parked a few meters further back. They laid him on a stretcher and put him in the jeep. The military vehicles began to drive away from the town entrance, and the youths threw stones at them. They also threw a Molotov cocktail that hit one of the jeeps. Some of the soldiers fired live bullets into the air, fired rubber-coated metal bullets and threw stun grenade. Some 20 minutes later, at the main intersection at the entrance to Tuqu’, al-‘Amur was transferred to an Israeli ambulance that evacuated him from the scene.

Between 5:30 and 6:00 P.M., al-‘Amur’s body was transferred to hospital in Beit Jala, where an autopsy was performed. The autopsy report located four bullet entry wounds, two of which caused severe bleeding in his thoracic cavity.

The IDF Spokesperson released a statement that “during a violent disturbance involving some 200 Palestinians in the village of Tuqu’, which included the throwing of stones and Molotov cocktails at the security forces, a Border Police combatant responded by firing at one of the disturbers of the peace”. According to media reports, the Military Police Investigations Unit and the Israel Police have opened an investigation.

However, B'Tselem’s investigation shows that this version of events has no basis in reality. Prior to the shooting of al-‘Amur, the clashes in Tuqu’ included only stone throwing at the security forces by some 10 youths. Even these clashes had practically stopped when the Border Police officer shot and killed al-‘Amur. The investigation also shows that al-‘Amur and his friends were at a distance of 80 to 100 meters from the security forces, so they did not constitute any danger. In these circumstances, the shooting of al-‘Amur was clearly unjustified and unlawful. Moreover, the brutal manner in which the soldiers evacuated al-‘Amur after he had been injured, his head and back banging on the ground, reflects their profound disregard for his life.

Al-‘Amur was killed by 0.22 inch caliber bullets. The open-fire regulations for the use of such bullets are strict, and confine their use to cases of mortal danger, similar to the use of live ammunition. Over the past two years, however, the military has almost routinely used these bullets as a means of crowd control, even when the troops on the ground are not in mortal danger. Over the past two years, this policy has led to the deaths of six Palestinians (including al-‘Amur) and to hundreds of injuries, some severe.

 

http://www.btselem.org/firearms/20170307_killing_of_qusai_al_amur

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9 mars 2017 4 09 /03 /mars /2017 00:17
Syrie : Le difficile pari de Genève 4
 
 
 
 
Alors que les espoirs de règlement du conflit syrien sont au plus bas, de nouvelles négociations viennent de s'ouvrir à Genève et devraient se poursuivre jusqu'4au 5 mars.
 
 
Syrie : Le difficile pari de Genève 4
 
 
 
Samar Al-Gamal
 
 
01-03-2017
 
67
 

 

Une semaine après la reprise des négociations sur la Syrie dans la cité helvétique, les discussions dirigées par l’envoyé spécial de l’Onu, Staffan de Mistura, ne sont pas encore entrées dans le vif du sujet. « On est toujours dans la forme pure. Nous n’avons toujours pas abordé les questions de fond », affirment les représentants onusiens. Après une séance inaugurale, où les délégations, celle représentant le régime de Bachar Al-Assad et celle représentant ses opposants, se sont retrouvées face à face, les deux parties ont rejoint la salle de négociation sans entrer en contact direct. « Nous étions assis en forme de U, l’équipe de l’Onu à la base du U, faisant face à la délégation d’Al-Assad et à celle de l’opposition assises l’une face à l’autre. Malgré cela, les deux délégations ne se sont jamais parlé directement. Elles ont utilisé l’équipe onusienne comme entremetteur tout au long de la séance, sans jamais déroger à ce protocole », explique un diplomate présent lors de la rencontre. Le médiateur onusien a cherché par tous les moyens à trouver une note positive à cette rencontre, pourtant plus que formelle. « Je ne m’attendais pas dans tous les cas à ce qu’il y ait une quelconque percée lors de cette séance. Je m’attends plutôt à ce que nous entamions une longue série de rounds », a déclaré le médiateur onusien à la suite de la première journée de négociations.

 

10 contre 10

 

Syrie : Le difficile pari de Genève 4

 

Genève 4 est déjà le quatrième sommet intersyrien organisé par l’Onu pour tenter de mettre un terme au conflit qui dure depuis 6 ans. Mais malheureusement, ces nouvelles négociations ne semblent pas se distinguer des précédentes. Dans le format du moins, un élément a changé. Pour la première fois les rebelles armées luttant contre le régime de Damas sont représentés aux côtés de l’opposition. Les délégations sont désormais à 10 contre 10.

Le contexte lui aussi est différent. Les représentants du pouvoir et de l’opposition se retrouvent cette fois sur fond de cessez-le-feu, ce qui a permis de faire baisser la tension qui régnait lors de Genève 3 et qui avait fait avorté tous les pourparlers.

De même, sur le terrain les rapports de force ont changé. Les hommes de Bachar Al-Assad, soutenus par la Russie, sont désormais en bien meilleure position que lors des dernières négociations. L’arrivée de Donald Trump à la Maison Blanche et l’absence actuelle de stratégie américaine en Syrie font pencher la balance du côté du trio Russie-Turquie-Iran (voir page 5). Un nouvel équilibre qui pèse sur les demandes de l’opposition, surtout celle dite du groupe de Riyad, qui réclame un règlement excluant le président syrien. Aux côtés du groupe de Riyad, le groupe du Caire, moins radical sur le départ de Bachar Al-Assad, et le groupe de Moscou, formé essentiellement d’anciennes personnalités proches du pouvoir syrien.

Unifier l’opposition

Les négociations de Genève 4 se sont concentrées sur la possibilité d’une unification de l’opposition, afin que celle-ci ne forme qu’une seule voix. C’est du moins la condition proposée par le médiateur onusien. « Je ne comprends pas pourquoi le médiateur insiste sur l’unification de l’opposition. Je ne sais pas si c’était un piège dans lequel il est tombé ou bien une simple erreur stratégique, mais tenter d’unifier cette opposition multibords est, d’après moi, une faute fondamentale », explique un haut diplomate assistant aux séances en cours. Le chef de l’opposition syrienne, Jihad Maqdissi, reste lui aussi perplexe face à cette condition d’unification de l’opposition. « Pourquoi insiste-t-il pour qu’il y ait seulement deux délégations ? N’existe-t-il pas de négociations multipartites ? Toutes les négociations qui se déroulent à l’Onu se passent avec plusieurs centaines de personnes et elles parviennent finalement à un compromis. Pourquoi ici la situation serait-elle différente ? », s’interroge-t-il (voir entretien page 4). « Pourquoi De Mistura ne remet-il pas cette question formelle à plus tard et ne s’attaque-t-il pas au problème de fond immédiatement ? », ajoute-t-il. « Il y a une grande défaillance au niveau de la manière dont De Mistura gère les négociations. Il est convaincu qu’il ne réussira pas dans sa mission sans un accord préalable entre la Russie et les Etats-Unis, et cherche simplement à éviter une catastrophe en marquant des percées au niveau formel, sans aller plus loin ». Consacrer tous les efforts pour former un seul groupe d’opposition réduit les pourparlers à une question de nombre et d’équilibre des parties, mais on s’éloigne ainsi des questions fondamentales. Il n’est vraiment pas possible de mesurer le poids de chacune des délégations présentes. Tout est très virtuel, surtout qu’il n’y a toujours pas d’élections en Syrie. Le régime dit détenir quelque 35 % du territoire et 90 % de la population, alors que les zones agricoles et pétrolières sont d’après lui détenues par l’opposition. Une autre démarche de l’équipe onusienne serait de présenter aux différentes parties syriennes un brouillon de feuille de route, et leur demander de faire des remarques afin de parvenir à un consensus.

La forme avant tout

Cependant, De Mistura n’a pas encore proposé aux participants un itinéraire définitif. Il a simplement proposé une procédure de respect mutuel. Ce document reprend la résolution 2254 du Conseil de sécurité et ledit plan de paix des Nations-Unies adopté en 2015. Le document parle ainsi de l’élaboration d’une nouvelle Constitution, de la gouvernance du pays et de la tenue d’élections. « Il n’y aura pas d’accord tant qu’on ne se sera pas entendu sur tout », lit-on dans le document. Régime et opposition affichent déjà des interprétations contradictoires de la résolution onusienne, notamment en ce qui concerne la gouvernance. Quelles négociations de fond proposera alors De Mistura ? Il faudra attendre encore quelques jours pour savoir si ce Genève 4 réussira à entrer au coeur du litige. « Si ces négociations débouchent sur un plan amenant à se retrouver dans quelques semaines pour discuter des détails d’un accord, ce sera un très grand succès. L’autre option est que nous continuons à faire du surplace », résume un diplomate égyptien ayant assisté aux premières réunions de Genève 4.

 

http://hebdo.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/1165/10/124/22461/Syrie--Le-difficile-pari-de-Gen%C3%A8ve-.

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8 mars 2017 3 08 /03 /mars /2017 07:56
Publish Date: 2017/03/06
As world marks Women’s Day, 56 Palestinian women are held in Israeli jails, 16 of them minors
 
 
 

RAMALLAH, March 6, 2017 (WAFA) – As the world marks on March 8 International Women’s Day, 56 Palestinian women, many of them mothers of young children, are currently serving time in Israeli jails for resisting the occupation among them 16 minors under 18 years of age, the Prisoners’ Affairs Commission said on Monday.

It said Israel detained 15,000 Palestinian women since its occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip in 1967.

The commission said one of the prisoners, Sabah Faroun, from Izzariyeh, east of Jerusalem, is serving time in administrative detention, which has been renewed for six months for the second time in a row.

Another prisoner, Lena Jarbouni, from inside Israel, is considered the oldest woman prisoner who is serving a 17-year sentence. She is supposed to be released in April.

Underage prisoners also recently received heavy sentences with Shatila Abu Ayyad, from inside Israel, and Shorouq Dwayyat, both sentenced to 16 years in prison, Maysoun Jabali, from Bethlehem, sentenced to 15 years in prison, and Marah Bakir, eight years and Marah Showbaki, six years, both from East Jerusalem.

M.K.

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=YdLkTFa56202918156aYdLkTF

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8 mars 2017 3 08 /03 /mars /2017 07:40
Israeli settlers attack Palestinian farmers, injure woman in northern West Bank
 
 
March 6, 2017 7:11 P.M. (Updated: March 6, 2017 8:06 P.M.)
 
 
 
 
NABLUS (Ma’an) -- Israeli settlers assaulted and injured a Palestinian woman who was working on her agricultural lands in the northern occupied West Bank on Monday, Palestinian and Israeli sources said.

 

Ghassan Daghlas, a Palestinian official who monitors settlement activity in the northern West Bank, told Ma’an that more than 20 Israeli settlers from the illegal settlement outpost of Havat Gilad attacked Palestinian farmers working in their lands in the nearby village of Faraata in the Qalqiliya district.

Daghlas said that the settlers attacked the farmers despite the fact that the Palestinians had coordinated with Israeli officials in order to access their lands in the area.

He added that Israeli settlers destroyed an agricultural tractor owned by Abdullah Shanaa, causing clashes to erupt, during which 55-year-old Mariam al-Salman suffered from bruises on her upper body after settlers threw rocks at her.

An Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an that Israeli forces were “alerted to a dispute” in the area and “dispersed” those involved in conjunction with Israeli security guards from Havat Gilad.

The spokesperson said they were not aware of anyone being injured in the assault, nor of anyone being detained or investigated.

While no Israelis seemed to have been detained in this incident for having thrown stones at Palestinians, Palestinians risk prison sentences for up to 20 years for throwing stones at Israelis.

Attacks by settlers are often carried out under the armed protection of Israeli forces who rarely make efforts to protect Palestinians from such attacks.

Between 500,000 and 600,000 Israelis live in Jewish-only settlements across occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank in violation of international law, with recent announcements of settlement expansion provoking condemnation from the international community.

According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), there were a total of 107 reported settler attacks against Palestinians and their properties in the West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem in 2016.

OCHA reported 16 instances of settler-related violence as of Feb. 20, seven of whom were attacks on Palestinian individuals.

 
 
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7 mars 2017 2 07 /03 /mars /2017 05:36
Uri Avnery's Column
 
 
The Cannons of Napoleon

 

NAPOLEON CAME to a German town and was not welcomed with the traditional artillery salute.

Furious, he summoned the mayor and demanded an explanation.

The German produced a long scroll of paper and said: "I have a list of 99 reasons. Reason No. 1: we have no cannon."

"That's enough'" Napoleon interrupted him, "You can go home!"

I WAS reminded of this story some two weeks ago, when I read Yitzhak Herzog's 10-point peace plan.

Herzog, the leader of the Labor Party, is an honest and intelligent person. All the bad things written about him when it seemed that he was crawling towards Binyamin Netanyahu’s coalition have been refuted by the recent disclosure about the Aqaba peace initiative.

The rulers of Egypt, Jordan and Israel, so it appeared, had met in secret and asked Herzog to make peace possible by joining Netanyahu's coalition. Herzog was hoodwinked by Netanyahu and agreed. He kept silent under the storm of contemptuous reactions. That shows that he is both decent and responsible.

No doubt, he could be a good prime minister for Ireland, where his grandfather had been the Chief Rabbi, or even in Switzerland. But not in Israel.

Israel now needs a strong leader, with lots of charisma and a profound understanding of the historic conflict. Not a Herzog.

COMING BACK to Napoleon.

Two weeks ago Herzog proudly published his Peace Plan, consisting of 10 points.

Point No. 1 is an ritual repetition of the two-states principle. It is point No.2 that is the crux of the matter. It says that the negotiations for peace will start 10 years from now.

That's where Napoleon would have said "That's enough. Go home!"

The idea that peace negotiations can be postponed for 10 years is preposterous. A people under a brutal occupation will not sit still for ten years. During this time, the plan obliges the Palestinians (Point 6) to act against "terrorism and sedition". No mention of Israeli violence and "sedition".

After 10 years, "on condition that during these years there will be no violence in the area", peace negotiations will start.

In our area, 10 years are an eternity. Several wars are raging in the area right now. As the occupation goes on, an intifada may break out in Palestine any moment.

During these 10 years, Jewish settlement in the occupied territories will go on merrily. True, only in the "settlement blocs". These imaginary blocs have never been defined, and Herzog does not define them either. No maps of these blocs exist. There is no agreement about the number of these blocs, and most certainly not about their borders.

For an Arab, "settlement blocs" are just a device to continue building settlements while pretending not to. As an Arab has said: "We negotiate about a pizza, and in the meantime you eat the pizza."

There are claims that all the territory east of Jerusalem belongs to a settlement bloc and should be annexed to Israel right now. This would almost cut the future State of Palestine into two, with only a few kilometers of desert near Jericho to connect them.

AH, JERUSALEM! It does not exist in Herzog's plan. That may seem curious – but it is not. It means that the Herzog plan does not envision any change in the status of "United Jerusalem, the eternal capital of Israel."

Here Napoleon comes in again. A plan that does not include a solution for Jerusalem is a town without cannons.

Anybody who has even the slightest idea of Arab and Muslim sensibilities knows that no Arab or Muslim in the world will agree to make peace if it leaves East Jerusalem and the Holy Sanctuary in non-Muslim hands. There can be several solutions for Jerusalem – partition, joint sovereignty and more – but a plan that does not propose any solution is worthless. It shows an abysmal ignorance of the Arab world.

What else does not appear in the plan? The refugees, of course.

In the 1948 war, more than half the Palestinian people fled from their homes or were driven out. (In a recent article, I have tried to describe what actually happened.) Many of these refugees and their descendants now live in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Many others live in the neighboring Arab states and all over the world.

No Arab can sign a peace agreement that does not provide at least a token solution.

By now it is more or less silently agreed that there must be a "just and agreed" solution, which would envision, I suppose, a return of a limited number, paying generous compensation to finance the settlement of all others outside Israel.

But for many Israelis, even letting one single refugee return constitutes a mortal danger to Israel as a "Jewish and democratic" state.

Not mentioning the problem at all – except as a nebulous "core issue" – is, well, silly.

THERE IS another issue that is not mentioned.

The plan demands unity among the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza as a condition for peace. Fine. But does that concern us?

It sure does.

In the Oslo agreement, Israel undertook to open four "safe passages" between the West Bank and Gaza, a distance of about 40 kilometers, through Israeli territory. It left open the character of these passages – extra-territorial roads, a railway line or whatever. In fact, no passage was ever opened, though road signs were set up and later removed. This was and is a flagrant breach of the agreement.

The inevitable result (see: Pakistan) is the breakup into two entities: the West Bank under the PLO and the Gaza Strip under Hamas. The Israeli government seems quite happy with this situation.

Reunification demands the opening of the passages. No word about this in the Herzog plan.

Altogether, the plan looks like a Swiss cheese – more holes than substance.

I HAVE in my life taken part in the formulation of a great many Peace Plans. In September 1958 my friends and I published the "Hebrew Manifesto", a document of 82 points, including a comprehensive peace plan. So I might claim to be a kind of expert on plan-making (as, alas, distinguished from peace-making).

The Herzog plan has nothing to do with peace-making. It is not intended to win Arab hearts. It is a ramshackle verbal construct designed to appeal to Jewish Israeli voters.

All intelligent Israelis realize by now that we are facing a fateful choice: either two states, or an apartheid state, or a single Arab-majority state. Most Israelis want none of these.

Anyone who wants to lead Israel must come up with a Solution. So this is Herzog's Solution. It is designed solely for Jewish-Israeli eyes. Arabs need not apply.

As such, is it no better or worse than many other Peace Plans.

Just another exercise in futility.

 

http://zope.gush-shalom.org/home/en/channels/avnery/1488552905/

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