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1 février 2017 3 01 /02 /février /2017 07:09

Issue No.1329, 26 January, 2017 25-01-2017 12:06AM ET

Yemen peace out of reach

 

Attempts are being made to restart talks aimed at resolving the crisis in Yemen, but with no signs of a breakthrough on the ground, writes Haytham Nouri

 

 

The Yemeni civil war is nearing the end of its second year with no real prospect of peace in sight for the poorest country in the Middle East. The warfare intensifies while the humanitarian crisis is growing more serious by the day.

The current lack of interest in the US in promoting a settlement in Yemen has diminished hopes for peace and left the situation prey to the dynamics of a conflict between the various Yemeni parties and between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Although former US secretary of state John Kerry proposed a peace plan, it sparked no interest among stakeholders in the conflict in which more than 10,000 civilians have been killed in air assaults by the Arab Coalition led by Yemen’s Saudi neighbour.

Millions of people have been displaced and hundreds of thousands have been turned into refugees.

However, last week UN special envoy to Yemen Ismail Ould Cheikh Ahmed attempted to kickstart a new round of talks, beginning with a meeting with the internationally recognised President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi.

Ould Cheikh Ahmed presented Hadi with new information regarding the Kerry plan that the latter had rejected in November on the grounds that it “rewarded the Houthi coup-makers,” a reference to the Houthi Movement that now controls most of northern Yemen.

Ould Cheikh Ahmed wrote on his Facebook page that he had asked Hadi to respond “quickly and constructively to UN suggestions for creating an environment conducive to peace”.

He added that “I discussed with President Hadi the key elements of a comprehensive agreement, based on the Kuwait consultations, which will help bring an end to the war and Yemen’s return to a peaceful and orderly transition… I asked the president to act swiftly and engage constructively with the UN’s proposal for the sake of the country’s future.”

Hadi had rejected the Kerry plan, which was adopted by the UN, because it called for the dismissal of his influential Vice-President Mohsen Al-Ahmar and granted the president an only honorary role following the Houthi withdrawal from the capital Sanaa.

It is not clear whether Hadi and Al-Ahmar were consulted about the plan. However, in the past their supporters have insisted that any agreements must recognise Hadi as the Yemeni president.

The new plan states that “upon the signing of the complete and comprehensive agreement, the current vice-president shall sign and President Hadi will appoint the new vice-president named in the agreement. When the withdrawals from Sanaa are complete and heavy and medium weapons are handed over (including ballistic missile launchers), Hadi shall transfer all his powers to the vice-president and the vice-president shall appoint the new prime minister.”

The Houthis insist that the surrender of their heavy weapons should not take place before the formation of a national unity government, the first step with which the new prime minister is tasked.

The internationally recognised government insists that the Gulf Initiative, the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions and the outputs of the National Dialogue remain the frames-of-reference for any solution. The Houthi Movement rejects these.

Neither political forces in Aden nor Houthi officials in Sanaa have issued any official response to the new Ould Cheikh Ahmed proposal. There is no sign of a breakthrough that might end the stalemate on the ground.

At present, the forces of the Houthi-Saleh alliance control the ground in much of Yemen, and Saudi-led Coalition bombers control the air. The Houthi-Saleh forces, made up of the Houthi Movement and forces loyal to former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh, control what was known before 1990 as North Yemen.

The area of Maareb in North Yemen, inhabited by Sunni tribes, is not under Houthi control, and some of the tribes are collaborating with Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), the local franchise of the terrorist organisation.

AQAP also threatens most of the cities controlled by Hadi in the south of the country, especially the port of Mukalla. It has also carried out attacks in Aden, which the Hadi government uses as a capital.

Although there are no precise figures on the demographic makeup of Yemen, northern Yemen with its predominantly Zaidi Shia population is both the most populous and the wealthiest part of the country in terms of resources.

Most commentators say that in the unified Yemen that has existed since 1990, the Shafie Sunni population is roughly equivalent to the Zaidi Shia population.

Kamal Kateb, a former professor of history at the University of Aden, maintains that the reason behind the Ould Cheikh Ahmed proposal is that the recognised government has been unable to achieve a military breakthrough against the Houthis in spite of the air support from the Gulf for 22 months since the beginning of the Arab Coalition’s campaign in Yemen.

“This war, in which the Houthis control the ground and the Saudi-led Arab Coalition controls the air, will never reach an end in which one side can dictate its conditions to the other,” Kateb said. “If the political solution does not respond to the Houthis’ numerical strength and the Gulf countries’ vital interests, it will never survive the fluctuating conditions in the country,” he added.

Hadi’s forces backed by the Arab Coalition recently opened a new front on Yemen’s Red Sea coast in a bid to march on Sanaa. Commenting on developments on the ground, Ahmed Bilal, who fought with Egyptian forces in the Yemeni War in the 1960s, said that the war in Yemen could not be won in the air.

“This attempt is doomed to failure, just like the attempts to invade the capital from the east from Maareb or from the south from Taiz. Hadi and coalition forces have not even been able to wrest predominantly Sunni-populated Taiz, Yemen’s third-largest city, from Houthi-Saleh control in the two years since the aerial bombardments began. How are they going to recapture Sanaa,” Bilal asked.

“If there is no political solution, the humanitarian situation will worsen. This alone is a source of major pressure on the international powers and the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia.”

Saudi Arabia is under considerable stress due to its ongoing involvement in the Yemeni war. The aerial campaign it has led has been responsible for more than two-thirds of the casualties in the past two years, and the war has also been a constant financial drain, especially given the sharp decline in oil prices, Saudi Arabia’s chief source of income.

The Houthis are taking advantage of the Saudi situation and the victories that the Syrians and Iraqis have scored against the Islamic State (IS) and other Islamist militias to continue the war, Kateb said.

Sultan Al-Atwani, a Yemeni politician close to the Hadi government, said that the Houthi strategy was short-sighted, however, “because it presumes that the Saudis are not pleased by the victories of the Iraqis and the Syrians. But on the basis of that assumption, the Saudis would want to work harder to achieve a victory in Yemen so as not to lose all their cards.”

“Ultimately, Saudi Arabia wants the war to end today, not tomorrow,” al-Atwani continued. “It realises that a stable Yemen is in Saudi interests, while a rocky Yemen jeopardises the vital interests of Riyadh.”

Bilal observed that Hadi’s forces were divided between southerners affiliated with the separatist Southern Movement, militias belonging to the Islah Party (the political wing of the Yemeni Muslim Brotherhood) and Shias “who have no place with Saleh”.

This division “is a major reason why Hadi’s forces have been unable to benefit from the Gulf countries’ air support, in contrast with the situation in Syria where the Bashar Al-Assad regime and its allies have been able to build on their gains when the Russians initiated their aerial intervention in the Syrian civil war,” he concluded.

 

 

http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/News/19425/19/Yemen-peace-out-of-reach.aspx

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1 février 2017 3 01 /02 /février /2017 06:53
Publish Date: 2017/01/31
Israeli navy boats chase Gaza fishermen out of sea
 
 
 

KHAN YOUNIS, January 31, 2017 (WAFA) – Israeli navy boats chased Gaza fishermen out of sea and forced them to return to shore, local sources said on Tuesday.

They said the navy chased the Palestinian fishing boats in the northern Gaza coast pushing them back to shore before catching any fish. No one was hurt.

Even though signed agreements between the Palestinians and Israel allow fishermen to go 12 nautical miles inside the Mediterranean Sea, Israel would not allow them to go further than three nautical miles, which the fishermen say is not enough to catch fish.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces opened fire at agricultural land in the town of al-Fukhary, east to the city of Khan Younis in the south of the Gaza Strip, said local sources.

Soldiers stationed at army watch towers along the Gaza border regularly shoot at fields near the border fence to keep Gaza farmers and local residents more than 300 meters from the borders, which Israel has unilaterally imposed as a buffer zone.

Residents say the border area is a rich land for agriculture yet they are unable to reach it because Israel opens fire at anyone who goes there.

K.T./M.K

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=WfXSmTa52226494122aWfXSmT

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31 janvier 2017 2 31 /01 /janvier /2017 09:27
Weekly Report On Israeli Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (19 – 25 January 2017)
95
 
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Israeli forces continue systematic crimes in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt)

(19 – 25 January 2017)

Jerusalem: Construction works in continue "Maaleh Adumim" settlement.
Jerusalem: Construction works in continue “Maaleh Adumim” settlement.

 

  • Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian in the north-eastern side of occupied Jerusalem.
  • 2 Palestinian Civilians were wounded, including a child, in the West Bank.
  • Israeli forces continued to target Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Sea.
  • 3 fishermen, including a child, were wounded in two shootings against their Boats in the northern Gaza Strip
  • Israeli forces continued to target the Gaza Strip border areas, but no casualties were reported.
  • A watchtower belonging to Palestinian armed groups was damaged, east of al-Maghazi.
  • Israeli forces conducted 63 incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank and a limited one into the Gaza Strip.
  • 64 civilians, including 17 children and 7 activists in the Popular Committee against the Wall and Settlements, were arrested in the West Bank.
  • 17 of them, including 12 children, were arrested in occupied Jerusalem.
  • Israeli forces continued their efforts to create Jewish majority in occupied East Jerusalem.
  • 22 commercial shops were demolished in the vicinity of Qalendia checkpoint, north of Jerusalem.
  • A store, parking and store for construction materials were demolished.
  • Israeli settlers took over a store in ‘Aqabet al-Khalidiyah neighbourhood in the Old City.
  • Settlement activities continued in the West Bank.
  • 4 dwellings and 10 other facilities were demolished in Kherbet Karzliyah, north of Jericho, rendering 11 persons homeless, including 6 children.
  • Israeli settlers uprooted olive trees from the lands of Bitello village in Ramallah.
  • Israeli forces turned the West Bank into cantons and continued to impose the illegal closure on the Gaza Strip for the 10th
  • Dozens of temporary checkpoints were established in the West Bank and others were re-established to obstruct the movement of Palestinian civilians.
  • 8 Palestinian civilians, including a child, were arrested at military checkpoints.

 

Summary

Israeli violations of international law and international humanitarian law in the oPt continued during the reporting period (19 – 25 January 2017).

 

Shooting:

During the reporting period, Israeli forces killed a Palestinian civilian in the north-eastern side of Jerusalem and wounded 5 others, including a child, in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. In the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces continued to chase Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Sea and open fire at farmers in the border areas.

 

In the West Bank, in new crime of using excessive force, Israeli forces killed Hussein Abu Ghosh (24) from Qalendia refugee camp, north of Jerusalem, when they immediately opened fire at him. This happened after his car veered off to a bus station at the entrance to “Adam” settlement established on the lands of Jabe’a village, northeast of the City, and crushed the iron barriers established by Israeli forces in the stations for the soldiers and settlers.

 

On 21 January 2017, during a demonstration organized by Palestinians and international activists at the eastern entrance to Kafr Qaddoum village, northeast of Qalqilya, Israeli forces opened fire at ‘Awad Sobhi (12) and wounded him to his right hand. The Israeli forces also arrested Ma’moun Shteiwi (40) and took him to an unknown destination. In the same context, Israeli forces arrested 5 civilians, including a woman, when the earlier moved into “Bab al-Shams” village, which was re-established by the coordinating committee against the wall and settlements in the area adjacent to “Ma’ale Adumim” settlement, east of Jerusalem.

 

On 25 January 2017, ‘Omer al-Barghuthi (26) from ‘Aboud village, northwest of Ramallah, was seriously wounded and then arrested. Israeli forces claimed that a speeding car opened fire at a number of Israeli soldiers near ‘Aboud village, so the soldiers opened fire back at him, causing him serious wounds.

 

In the Gaza Strip, Israeli forces wounded 3 fishermen, including a child. On 20 January 2017, ‘Abdel Rahim al-Sultan (25) was wounded when Israeli gunboats stationed west of al-Wahah area in the northern Gaza Strip heavily opened fire at the Palestinian fishermen. On 23 January 2017, Israeli gunboats opened fire at Palestinian fishing boats in the same area. As a result, Uranus al-Sultan (20) and his cousin ‘Oday (14) were wounded.

 

In the context of targeting Palestinian fishermen in the Gaza Sea in addition to the abovementioned incidents, Israeli gunboats stationed off al-Wahah shore as well opened fire at the Palestinian fishing boats on 24 January 2017.

 

On the same day, Israeli gunboats stationed off Rafah shore and off Khan Younis shore opened fire at a group of fishing boats. The shooting recurred at the boats on 25 January 2017. However, neither casualties nor damages to the boats were reported.

In the context of targeting the border areas, on 24 January 2017, Israeli forces fired two artillery shells at a watchtower belonging to the Palestinian armed groups, east of al-Maghazi in the central Gaza Strip. As a result, the watchtower sustained material damages. On the same day, Israeli forces opened fire at the agricultural lands, east of Khan Younis.

 

Incursions:

 

During the reporting period, Israeli forces conducted at least 63 military incursions into Palestinian communities in the West Bank. During these incursions, Israeli forces arrested at least 64 Palestinian civilians, including 17 children. Seventeen of them, including 12 children, were arrested in occupied Jerusalem. Seven of those arrested were activists in the Committees against the Wall and Settlements.

 

In the Gaza Strip, on 25 January 2017, Israeli forces moved into al-Shokah village, east of Rafah City in the southern Gaza Strip and levelled and combed in the area before redeploying along the border fence.

 

Efforts to create Jewish majority

 

In the context of house demolitions and notices, On Thursday early morning, 19 January 2017, Israeli forces carried out a large-scale demolition in the southern side of Qalendia refugee camp, north of occupied Jerusalem. They levelled 22 stores used as an automobile repair and spare parts shops, used cars showrooms and vegetable and fruit shops.

 

On 25 Janaury 2017, Israeli municipality bulldozers demolished a store, parking and fences belonging to Redwan Jamal ‘Amr in al-‘Abasiyah neighbourhood in Silwan village, south of Jerusalem’s Old City. Around the same time, Israeli bulldozers demolished a store for construction materials belonging to Nassar Family in Qaddoum Valley neighbourhood in Silwan village as well under the pretext of building without a license.

 

On 17 January 2017, Firas Mahmoud self-demolished his 130-square-meter house in al-‘Issawiyah village, northeast of occupied Jerusalem. It should be mentioned that the municipality issued a decision so Mahmoud self-demolishes his house and refused his attempt to obtain a license or postpone the demolition. If he did not do so, the municipality would demolish it and impose on him a demolition fee. Mahmoud started building his houses 8 months ago and intended to move and live in it in the coming days along with his 5-member family.

 

In the same context, on 24 January 2017, Israeli settlers took over a store belonging to the family of Noura Gheith in ‘Aqabet al-Khalidyah neighbourhood in the Old City of Jerusalem.

 

 

Settlement activities and Israeli settlers’ attacks against Palestinian civilians and their property:

 

On 23 January 2017, Israeli forces demolished four dwellings, barracks used as sheep shelters, 2 barns and 4 other attached facilities in Kherbet Karzaliyah in Central Jordan Valley, north of Jericho. That Property belongs to the family of Zuhair Qassem Bani Menia and Zahi Fahim Bani Meniah. The number of both families’ members is 11, including 6 children. The Israeli forces also levelled an agricultural road leading to the abovementioned area to deny the families’ access to the property.

 

In the same context, a group of Israeli settlers from “Tel Mond” and “Nhlial” settlemnts attacked a plot of agricultural land belonging to a Palestinian civilian from Bitello village, northwest of Ramallah and uprooted and broke 10 olive trees there.

 

Restrictions on movement:

 

Israel continued to impose a tight closure of the oPt, imposing severe restrictions on the movement of Palestinian civilians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.

 

The illegal closure of the Gaza Strip, which has been steadily tightened since June 2007 has had a disastrous impact on the humanitarian and economic situation in the Gaza Strip. The Israeli authorities impose measures to undermine the freedom of trade, including the basic needs for the Gaza Strip population and the agricultural and industrial products to be exported. For 9 consecutive years, Israel has tightened the land and naval closure to isolate the Gaza Strip from the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, and other countries around the world. This resulted in grave violations of the economic, social and cultural rights and a deterioration of living conditions for 2 million people. The Israeli authorities have established Karm Abu Salem (Kerem Shaloum) as the sole crossing for imports and exports in order to exercise its control over the Gaza Strip’s economy. They also aim at imposing a complete ban on the Gaza Strip’s exports. The Israeli closure raised the rate of poverty to 65%. Moreover, the rate of unemployment increased up to 47% and youth constitutes 65% of the unemployed persons. Moreover, 80% of the Gaza Strip population depends on international aid to secure their minimum daily needs. These rates indicate the unprecedented economic deterioration in the Gaza Strip.

 

In the West Bank, Israeli forces continued to suffocate the Palestinian cities and village by imposing military checkpoints around and/or between them. This created “cantons” isolated from each other that hinders the movement of civilians. Moreover, the Palestinian civilians suffering aggravated because of the annexation wall and checkpoints erected on daily basis to catch Palestinians.

 

 

Détails

 

 

..................................(...........)............................

 

 

 

Recommendations to the International Community

PCHR emphasizes the international community’s position that the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, are still under Israeli occupation, in spite of Israeli military redeployment outside the Gaza Strip in 2005. PCHR further confirms that Israeli forces continued to impose collective punishment measures on the Gaza Strip, which have escalated since the 2006 Palestinian parliamentary elections, in which Hamas won the majority of seats of the Palestinian Legislative Council. PCHR stresses that there is international recognition of Israel’s obligation to respect international human rights instruments and the international humanitarian law, especially the Hague Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land and the Geneva Conventions. Israel is bound to apply the international human rights law and the law of war sometime reciprocally and other times in parallel in a way that achieves the best protection for civilians and remedy for victims.

 

In light of continued arbitrary measures, land confiscation and settlement activities in the West Bank, and the latest 51-day offensive against civilians in the Gaza Strip, PCHR calls upon the international community, especially the United Nations, the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Convention and the European Union – in the context of their natural obligation to respect and enforce the international law – to cooperate and act according to the following recommendations:

 

  1. PCHR calls upon the international community and the United Nations to use all available means to allow the Palestinian people to enjoy their right to self-determination, through the establishment of the Palestinian State, which was recognized by the UN General Assembly with a vast majority, using all international legal mechanisms, including sanctions to end the occupation of the State of Palestine;
  2. PCHR calls upon the United Nations to provide international protection to Palestinians in the oPt, and to ensure the non-recurrence of aggression against the oPt, especially the Gaza Strip;
  3. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions to compel Israel, as a High Contracting Party to the Conventions, to apply the Conventions in the oPt;
  4. PCHR calls upon the Parties to international human rights instruments, especially the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, to pressurize Israel to comply with their provisions in the oPt, and to compel it to incorporate the human rights situation in the oPt in its reports submitted to the concerned committees;
  5. PCHR calls upon the High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions to fulfil their obligations to ensure the application of the Conventions, including extending the scope of their jurisdiction in order to prosecute suspected war criminals, regardless of the nationality of the perpetrator and the place of a crime, to pave the way for prosecuting suspected Israeli war criminals and end the longstanding impunity they have enjoyed;
  6. PCHR calls upon States that apply the principle of universal jurisdiction not to surrender to Israeli pressure to limit universal jurisdiction to perpetuate the impunity enjoyed by suspected Israeli war criminals;
  7. PCHR calls upon the international community to act in order to stop all Israeli settlement expansion activities in the oPt through imposing sanctions on Israeli settlements and criminalizing trading with them;
  8. PCHR calls upon the United Nations to confirm that holding war criminals accountable in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is a precondition to achieve stability and peace in the regions, and that peace cannot be built on the expense of human rights;
  9. PCHR calls upon the UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council to explicitly declare that the Israeli closure policy in Gaza and the annexation wall in the West Bank are illegal, and accordingly refer the two issues to the UN Security Council to impose sanctions on Israel to compel it to remove them;
  10. PCHR calls upon the international community, particularly the UN, in light of its failure to the stop the aggression on the Palestinian people, to at least fulfil its obligation to reconstruct the Gaza Strip after the series of hostilities launched by Israel which directly targeted the civilian infrastructure;
  11. PCHR calls upon the United Nations and the European Union to express a clear position towards the annexation wall following the international recognition of the State of Palestine on the 1967 borders, as the annexation wall seizes large parts of the State of Palestine;
  12. PCHR calls upon the European Union to activate Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, which provides that both sides must respect human rights as a precondition for economic cooperation between the EU states and Israel, and the EU must not ignore Israeli violations and crimes against Palestinian civilians;

 

 

 

 

…………………………………………………………

Public Document

For further information please visit our website www.pchrgaza.org or contact PCHR’s office in Gaza City, Gaza Strip by email pchr@pchrgaza.org or telephone +972 08 282 4776 – 282 5893.

 

 

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31 janvier 2017 2 31 /01 /janvier /2017 09:18
Israel destroying Gaza’s fishing sector
Published:
29 Jan 2017

Fishermen at Gaza's fishing port. Photo by Suhaib Salem, Reuters, 4 April 2016
Fishermen at Gaza's fishing port. Photo by Suhaib Salem, Reuters, 4 April 2016

In 2000, Gaza had about 10,000 fishermen. Today, the Gaza Fishermen’s Association has only some 4,000 fishermen registered, who are the breadwinners for approximately 50,000 persons. This figure, however, is misleading as half the registered fishermen are actually out of work, since their boats are out of commission and cannot be repaired due to the shortage in necessary raw materials. Ninety-five percent of Gaza’s fishermen live under the poverty line, defined as a monthly income of less than 2,293 ILS (roughly 600 USD) for a family of five. These families rely on humanitarian aid, and belong to the 80% of Gaza’s overall population who rely on humanitarian aid.

The decline of Gaza’s fishing sector is a direct result of Israel’s policy, which includes severe restrictions on marine access, fishing exports, and the entry of raw materials into Gaza, as well as harassment of fishermen:

a. Limited fishing zone:

In March 2016, Israel expanded the range in which it permits Gazans to fish from six to nine nautical miles off the Gaza coast. In June, it reduced the range back to six nautical miles (some 11 km). These restrictions are in place despite Israel’s obligation under the Oslo Accords to permit fishing up to 20 nautical miles off the Gaza coastline. Israel has never lived up to this obligation, and the widest range it has ever permitted since the Accords were signed was 12 nautical miles. Over the years, the range was repeatedly reduced; at times, it was as little as three nautical miles. During periods of fighting between Israel and Gaza, fishing is prohibited altogether. Notices of changes in the permitted fishing zone are provided to the Fishermen’s Association by the Israeli DCO. The Israeli navy also marks the boundaries with buoys. The shrinking fishing zone has led to overfishing in a small area, resulting in a decreased fish population and depletion of fish breeding grounds.

b. Shortage of raw materials, equipment, and spare parts for repairing fishing boats:

Israel prohibits entry into Gaza of materials that are essential for maintenance and repair of fishing boats, including fiberglass, steel cables, engines and spare parts. Israel claims that these items fall under its definition of “dual-use materials”, i.e. materials “that are primarily designed for civilian use, but are suitable also for military use”. Over the course of 2016, delegates from the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture and the Palestinian DCO met several times with the Gaza DCO Commander, most recently on 10 June 2016. In these meetings, the Palestinian delegates provided the Israeli side with a list of items needed for the fishing sector. Not a single item on the list has been cleared for entry to date. According to the Department of Fisheries in Gaza’s Ministry of Agriculture, some 200 rowboats and five small motor boats are currently out of commission as the materials and equipment needed to repair them are unavailable.

Motorized Hasake rowboat in Gaza's fishing port. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 11 Jan. 2017
Motorized Hasake rowboat in Gaza's fishing port. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 11 Jan. 2017

c. Shootings and arrests:

Over the course of 2016, B’Tselem received dozens of reports from fishermen that their boats had been struck by Israeli naval fire. Some of the fishermen were injured and others arrested. According to the testimonies, soldiers forced them, at gunpoint, to take their clothes off and swim over to the navy vessels, regardless of the weather. The fishermen’s testimonies, as well as GPS records on their devices, indicate that some were arrested although they hadn’t sailed beyond the military-permitted fishing zone.

Fishermen brought on board navy vessels were taken to Ashdod port in Israel, where they were interrogated while blindfolded and handcuffed. Their boats were confiscated. Following the interrogation, which often focused on attempting to gather intelligence on Hamas operatives, most fishermen were sent home without their boats. The Gaza Fishermen’s Association has reported that since April 2016, Hamas has arrested and interrogated Gaza fishermen who were returned by the military to Erez Crossing, holding them for several days.

According to the Department of Fisheries in Gaza’s Ministry of Agriculture, the Israeli military arrested 113 fishermen over the course of 2016. Of these, 107 were released after interrogation and six are still in custody. Ten more fishermen were injured by Israeli navy fire. The Department of Fisheries has also reported that during 2016, the military confiscated 38 motorized Hasake rowboats and eight non-motorized ones. Only ten have thus far been returned to their owners, all in April. In 2015, 73 fishermen were arrested and 22 Hasake rowboats confiscated. At present, 14 boats are out of commission due to damage caused by the Israeli navy, either by shooting or during confiscation of the vessel. Department of Fisheries data also indicates that the direct losses suffered by Gaza fishermen in 2016 as a result of Israeli navy fire or confiscation of boats and equipment amounts to some 0.5 million USD.

d. Restrictions on exporting catch to Israel and selling it in the West Bank:

Prior to the blockade imposed on Gaza in 2007, fishing was a thriving sector. Fishermen sold their catch in the West Bank and exported it to Israel, making a decent living. As part of the blockade, Israel has banned the sale of fish from Gaza in the West Bank or its export to Israel, devastating the fishermen’s livelihoods. In 2014, Israel began allowing restricted sales in the West Bank once again, but under fastidious limitations that raise the cost of the process, and therefore the price of the goods. Current sales of fish caught in Gaza to the West Bank are much lower than they were prior to the blockade.

Israel’s practices with respect to Gaza’s fishing sector illustrate why it is impossible to accept its contention that it ended its responsibility for the fate of Gaza’s residents and for what takes place there upon completing implementation of its disengagement plan in 2005. Though Israel removed its regular military presence and settlements from Gaza, it continues to control many aspects of daily life there from a distance. The terrible harm it inflicts on fishermen has no justification, and is yet another facet of the cruel blockade policy that Israel has been implementing in Gaza for a decade.

Fishermen who gave their testimonies to B’Tselem field researcher Muhammad Sabah described the harsh circumstances forced on them:

Mahmoud Sa’id Jum’ah Baker, 18, from a-Shati Refugee Camp, related on 5 Sept. 2016:

Mahmoud Baker. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 9 Sept. 2016

I work at fishing with my father and brothers, on a motorized Hasake rowboat. We go out to sea almost every day – off the shore of Gaza City and northward. We usually leave home at 5:00 A.M. and work until noon, depending on the situation and on how many fish there are. We sell the fish to merchants. Sometimes we catch twenty kilos of fish, sometimes ten or five, and sometimes not even a single fish. It depends on their availability, on the weather, and on what the Israeli navy does.

On Friday, 12 August 2016, we went out to sea at 5:00 A.M. I went out with my father, my four brothers, and a hired worker we have. We sailed to the area of a-Sudaniyeh, about 2.5 nautical miles northwest of the permitted fishing zone. By 8:00 A.M. we had caught about three kilos of farida (blue-pointed porgy). While we were working, an Israeli navy patrol boat approached us, followed by a rubber dinghy. We tried to get away. The patrol boat and the rubber dinghy chased us, firing live bullets and rubber[-coated metal] bullets into the air. After we’d gotten about 200 meters away, the soldiers ordered us to stop, and we did. They told us to take our clothes off and jump in the water. We took our clothes off and swam over to the rubber boat, one by one. It took us to the patrol boat. The soldiers blindfolded us, tied our hands, and sat us down next to each other.

After sailing for about an hour, the boat stopped. They took our blindfolds off and ordered us off the boat. It was Ashdod port. They gave us flip-flops and took us to a room, where they sat us down and blindfolded us again. Then a doctor came and took my temperature. He asked me if I was sick and I said I wasn’t.

Then they used metal handcuffs to tie our hands and put us in a small bus that took us to Erez Crossing. At the crossing, they replaced the metal handcuffs with zip ties and brought us in, one by one, to an interrogation room. I went in last. When I got in the room, there was an interrogator there. He started asking me why I was angry. I said I was angry because they’d taken our boat, which is our livelihood. He started saying that they’d taken the boat because we’d crossed the border, and I told him it wasn’t true. He asked where we’d been, and I said in the permitted area. Then he asked if I was afraid of getting hit by a bullet. I said no. The interrogator asked me to point our house out on a map on a computer. When I asked what he wanted with our house, he said he wanted to know if I was really a fisherman or not. I told him he’d taken my boat, which I use for work. He asked for my cell phone number, and I told him I don’t have one. The interrogator kept asking me about my uncle’s house and my neighbors’ houses. Then he asked where I wanted to work. I said I don’t know, because I have no job other than fishing. He asked if I wanted to work in Israel. I said no. Then he started telling me they’d get me a car or a motorbike. I said I didn’t want to and that I wanted to leave. The interrogator asked: Don’t you want to tell me about a house that belongs to someone from Hamas?

Then I was taken to a room where we waited for about an hour. At around 2:00 P.M., they told us to go to the departure hall that leads to Gaza. We walked all the way to the other side of the checkpoint, where Hamas police are stationed. They interrogated us about what happened at sea and at Erez. Then they took us to the Internal Security Services Headquarters at Jabalya, where they kept us until 8:00 P.M. From there, they transferred us to the Internal Security Services Headquarters in Gaza, at al-Ansar, where they arrested us. They gave us dark glasses instead of a blindfold, so we wouldn’t see anything. Then they asked me my name and led me to a small cell, 2 meters by 80 cm. Later, they brought me food and drink. The next day, Saturday, 13 August 2016, an officer took me into a room and asked me about what happened. Then they took me back to the cell. I stayed there until the next morning, Sunday, 14 August. Then they took me into an interrogation room where there were two officers. They asked me again about what had happened at sea and at Erez Crossing until I got to the Hamas checkpoint. Then they took me back to the cell, and I stayed there the next day, too. On Tuesday, 16 August, they transferred me to another cell, where my father was, and brought us a meal. At 3:00 P.M., they released us. The officers asked us not to go close to the border at sea, and not to put ourselves at risk so we don’t get arrested. Then they gave me a summons to a meeting on 31 August 2016, at 9:00 A.M.

I came on the set date. They sent me to a room on the fourth floor. An officer came and asked me again about what had happened at sea. He was looking at some paper in front of him, comparing what I was saying to the notes from the previous interrogation. When he finished the interrogation, he asked me: “Did you come from the sea? I said I had. He said: “You won’t give up and still go to sea!” I told him it’s my work and that there’s no other work in Gaza.

 

Launch boats in Gaza's fishing port. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 11 Jan. 2017
Launch boats in Gaza's fishing port. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 11 Jan. 2017

Mustafa Muhammad Khalil a-Najar, 29, a married father of two from Rafah, said in a testimony from 19 July 2016:

I’ve worked in fishing with my father and brothers since I was 14 years old. We have six Hasake rowboats of various kinds and one Felucca sailing boat. On Monday, 18 April 2016, at 5:00 P.M., I set off from Rafah port with two hired workers. To save on fuel, a big launch boat tugged us out to sea. When we were about 8 nautical miles off shore, we disengaged from the launch. I turned toward the area off Khan Yunis, to keep away from the Egyptian border and stay out of dangerous areas. When I got to about 9 nautical miles off shore, we put the nets out and went to sleep on the boat, sometime between 10:00 P.M. and midnight. We waited for the wind to die down before pulling up the nets, which were spread to a distance of about 2 km.

At 12:30 A.M., an Israeli military boat came from the northeast and started shooting from a large distance, straight at us. We got scared and turned on the motor and started fleeing to the southeast. The boat kept chasing us and shooting for about an hour. Our boat took a few bullets. When they started shooting directly at me and at the other people on the boat, I stopped. The Israeli boat stopped about 200 meters away from us. They sent a rubber boat over, and the soldiers ordered us to take our clothes off. We stayed in our underwear. They tied our hands behind our backs and brought us on to the rubber boat. They blindfolded us and took us to the ship, and had us sit in the bow. It was cold, and we asked for some clothes or something to cover ourselves. The soldiers refused. When we kept asking, they kicked us. Then they tied my boat to their boat and tugged it. We sailed to Ashdod port and got there at about 8:00 A.M. While we were sailing, I asked an officer on the ship about my boat, and he said it had been confiscated. I asked him when I would get it back, and he said within two weeks. When I asked him why they’d done it, he said I’d broken the law.

When we got to Ashdod port, they gave us our clothes and took us into a room where there were already about seven fishermen from Rafah and Gaza. Their hands were tied with metal handcuffs and they were lying on the floor. We joined them. They left us like that, without food or drink.

At noon, an officer came and told us we would be taken to Erez Crossing and interrogated there. We all asked about our boats. He said they were confiscated at Ashdod port and that one had been hit in the bow, and the navy was trying to keep it from sinking. I knew it was my boat. Then they put us a bus that drove us to Erez checkpoint, where Shabak (Israel Security Agency) interrogators questioned each of us separately. The interrogator asked me for my details and took down my cell phone number. He told me I’d exceeded the 9-nautical-mile range and that was why they shot at us and confiscated my boat. I told him I hadn’t sailed past the buoy that the military had put out and that I’d stayed within the nine-mile range. I asked him about my boat and he said it hadn’t sunk yet, and that it was with the rest of the boats that had been confiscated. My interrogation lasted about half an hour and ended at around 4:00 P.M. At about 6:30 P.M., they let us go and we went back to Gaza.

Later that day, I contacted the Ministry of Agriculture, the Fishermen’s Association, and the Coast Guard. They told me my boat was at Ashdod port. After about ten days, I was told by the Fisheries Department that my boat had sunk and that the Israeli ship hadn’t managed to salvage it.

I make most of my income from fishing. My boat was seven meters long and there was a lot of expensive equipment on it. We bought it about four years ago, and it’s now worth 20,000 ILS [over 5,000 USD]. The motor was worth 30,000 [almost 8,000 USD]. I sold my wife’s jewellery for about 3,000 JOD [just over 4,000 USD] in order to buy it. I also took out a loan for the same amount from relatives and acquaintances. I still owe money to the suppliers. Because I didn’t have the boat, I missed the grouper and porgy season. Losing the boat caused problems with other members of the family, too, because they had also used it for their livelihoods. The employees who were with me that day lost their jobs. I’m heartbroken about the boat and the motor – they were new and I can’t afford to buy others to replace them. Ever since that happened, I’ve been sitting at home with nothing to do.

Ahmad Abu Hamadah. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 27 Jan. 2017

 

Ahmad Abu Hamadah. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 27 Jan. 2017

 

Ahmad Jamal Lutfi Abu Hamadah, 29, a married father of four from a-Shati Refugee Camp, said in his testimony on 16 November 2016:

I work as a fisherman on one of my dad’s four Hasake rowboats. I started working in fishing when I was 17 years old. Our boats are made of fiberglass and they require constant maintenance and replacement of fiberglass parts due to saltwater damage, crashes with other boats at the port, or just wear, and also because of Israeli navy fire. About a year and a half ago, the boat I work on crashed into the port dock. There were high winds and the rope tying it to the dock had broken. The bow got holes in it. The side of another of our boats also crashed, apparently by a fisherman who hit it when it was docked at the port, but we don’t know who it was.

We pretty much stopped working on both these boats because of their state. They constantly had to be drained, and we had to make sure they didn’t fill with water so we wouldn’t sink. We tried to get fiberglass to fix them but it was very hard to find, because Israel has been banning this material from coming in for a few years now. Before the ban, a kilo of fiberglass that came from Israel cost 16 ILS [around 4 USD]. Then there was fiberglass that came from Egypt through the tunnels, but in 2013 they got shut down. Since then, there’s been a shortage and the only fiberglass available is what they make here in Gaza. It’s much more expensive. I decided to get fiberglass anyway, and I bought 8 kilos for 80 ILS [around 21 USD] per kilo. I bought another 2 kilos of paint for 50 ILS [around 13 USD] and three meters of a special wrapping cloth for 180 ILS [a little over 45 USD]. I also paid 300 ILS [almost 80 USD] for timber and labor. So, altogether, repairing a small part in the bow of the boat cost me about 1,500 ILS [almost 400 USD]. I didn’t have the money, so I had to borrow it so I could work and make a living.

The repair to the other boat is more significant. It would cost 2,500 ILS [around 660 USD], and we can’t fix it at the moment. We will have to do it soon though, because I work with my father and my three brothers, and that’s our entire family’s livelihood. Now, with the boat out of commission, our income is very low, especially during winter when there isn’t much fishing.

The ban on fiberglass causes a lot of losses to fishermen, because we can’t fix boats and continue working, which makes everyone’s already difficult financial situation even worse.

Ahmad Abu Hamadah by his boat, now out of commission. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 26 Jan. 2017
Ahmad Abu Hamadah by his boat, now out of commission. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 26 Jan

 

http://www.btselem.org/gaza_strip/20170129_killing_the_fishing_sector

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31 janvier 2017 2 31 /01 /janvier /2017 09:09
Mexico Demands Israeli Apology After Netanyahu Voices Support for Trump's Wall
 
 


PM's tweet backing Trump's plan to build a wall 'felt like an aggressive act,' Mexican foreign minister says. Netanyahu accuses 'leftist' media of exacerbating the diplomatic crisis.


Barak Ravid and Chaim Levinson Jan 30, 2017 4:12 PM
read more: http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.768518
 
 
Mexican Foreign Minister Luis Videgaray called Monday on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to apologize for voicing support for U.S. President Donald Trump's plan to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border, adding that Netanyahu's remarks "felt like an aggressive act."
 
"We hope that the Israeli government will have the sensitivity to correct Netanyahu's statement," Videgaray said............(.......)...........
 
 
 
 
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30 janvier 2017 1 30 /01 /janvier /2017 10:01
Israël se rue dans l’espace ouvert par la transition Trump

Colonisation

Près de 3 000 nouveaux logements ont été annoncés en l'espace de quatre jours.

OLJ
26/01/2017
 
 
 
 

Israël n'a pas perdu un instant pour exploiter la nouvelle donne créée par la présidence Trump et annoncer une relance massive de la colonisation qui alarme ceux qui veulent encore croire en une solution à deux États avec les Palestiniens.

Le gouvernement de Benjamin Netanyahu s'est empressé de jeter aux orties la retenue observée dans les dernières semaines de l'administration de Barack Obama.

En l'espace de quatre jours, depuis l'investiture de Donald Trump, il a annoncé 3 000 nouveaux logements de colonisation en Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem-Est, territoires palestiniens occupés par Israël depuis 50 ans cette année.

« Netanyahu met à profit la transition à la présidence des États-Unis pour flatter les colons, une petite majorité de la population israélienne, et marquer des points sur sa droite », a commenté La Paix maintenant. Pour cette organisation israélienne militant contre la colonisation, Israël « met en danger la solution à deux États », solution de référence de la communauté internationale qui verrait la création d'un État palestinien indépendant coexistant en paix avec Israël. Cette solution paraît de plus en plus moribonde.

Pour une grande partie de la communauté internationale, la poursuite de la colonisation, c'est-à-dire les implantations civiles israéliennes qui ont continué en territoire palestinien occupé sous tous les gouvernements israéliens depuis 1967, représente une menace majeure pour cette solution. La colonisation est en outre illégale au regard du droit international.

« Allié très important »
M. Obama, aux relations notoirement tendues avec M. Netanyahu, a critiqué jusqu'au bout la colonisation. Son administration a pris le 23 décembre la décision exceptionnelle de ne pas opposer son veto à une résolution du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU défavorable au grand allié israélien et a ainsi permis l'adoption d'un texte condamnant la colonisation et provoquant la fureur d'Israël.
Le gouvernement israélien, considéré comme le plus à droite de l'histoire d'Israël, fait la part belle aux colons et aux adversaires d'un État palestinien.

M. Netanyahu lui-même cachait de moins son impatience de voir M. Obama céder la place dans le bureau Ovale à M. Trump, qui n'avait pas économisé ses déclarations pro-israéliennes pendant la campagne et qui, une fois élu, qualifiait de « terrible » l'approche américaine menant à la résolution du 23 décembre.
Rompant avec la pratique de sa devancière, l'administration Trump s'est gardée mardi de condamner la plus importante annonce de colonisation depuis des années faite le jour même. « Israël continue à être un allié très important des États-Unis », a éludé le porte-parole de la Maison-Blanche, Sean Spicer.
M. Netanyahu est en butte à la surenchère des alliés de sa majorité, qui font le forcing sur la colonisation et même l'annexion d'une partie de la Cisjordanie.

 
 

« Du bluff »
Mais pour certains comme Uri Ariel, l'un des ministres qui vivent eux-mêmes dans les colonies, même l'annonce de 2 500 nouveaux logements en Cisjordanie ne va pas assez loin. « Du bluff », a tranché le ministre de l'Agriculture.

M. Netanyahu est soumis à d'autres facteurs, disent les analystes.
Depuis fin 2016, lui et des membres de sa famille ont été interrogés dans deux affaires de corruption présumée. Un rapport potentiellement dommageable pour lui et profitable pour deux de ses grands rivaux menace de sortir prochainement sur la conduite de la guerre contre le Hamas à Gaza en 2014.

M. Netanyahu « devra faire encore plus dans un avenir proche » pour détourner la pression, pronostique Ofer Zalzberg, analyste à l'International Crisis Group.
Reste à savoir jusqu'où il peut aller. L'Égypte et la Jordanie, les deux seuls pays arabes à avoir fait la paix avec Israël, ont condamné les annonces de colonisation. A contrario, elles pourraient hésiter à remettre en cause leur étroite coopération avec Israël dans le domaine de la sécurité et de la lutte antijihadistes.

Les annonces israéliennes ont suscité les habituelles condamnations palestiniennes.

Le numéro deux de l'Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP), Saëb Erakat, s'est dit auprès de l'AFP « choqué » de l'absence de condamnation de Washington. Il a ouvertement pressé l'administration Trump de clarifier ses positions.

De son côté, la Ligue arabe a dénoncé hier le « mépris » d'Israël pour la communauté internationale.
(Source : AFP)

 

https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1031496/israel-se-rue-dans-lespace-ouvert-par-la-transition-trump.html

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30 janvier 2017 1 30 /01 /janvier /2017 09:57
Israeli forces suppress weekly Bilin march, dozens suffer tear gas inhalation
Jan. 27, 2017 7:12 P.M. (Updated: Jan. 27, 2017 10:46 P.M.)
 
 

 

RAMALLAH (Ma'an) -- Israeli forces Friday suppressed a weekly march in the village of Bilin in the occupied West Bank district of Ramallah, as dozens of protesters suffered from tear gas inhalation.

Palestinians, international, and Israeli peace activists all took part in the march which set off from the center of Bilin following Friday prayers.

Spokesperson for the popular committee against the wall in Bilin, Abdullah Abu Rahmeh told Ma’an the march was partly held in condemnation over the promotion of an Israeli officer and soldier who shot prominent Palestinian activist Ashraf Abu Rahmeh with a rubber bullet while blindfolded and handcuffed in 2008.

Abu Rahmeh said that “Israeli terrorism is being commited against Palestinians on a daily bases. Killings, detentions, destroying homes, confiscating lands, closing roads, blockading villages, are all an Israeli policy of collective punishment committed every day against Palestinians.”

 

 

Clashes erupted between protesters and Israeli forces, with dozens suffering from tear gas inhalation.

An Israeli army spokesperson told Ma’an she would look into reports on the clashes.

Bilin is one of the most active Palestinian villages in peaceful organized opposition against Israeli policies, as residents have protested every Friday for more than a decade, and have often been met with tear gas, rubber-coated steel bullets, and stun grenades from Israeli forces.

 

 

 

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
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30 janvier 2017 1 30 /01 /janvier /2017 09:51
Publish Date: 2017/01/29
Israeli forces target homes, farmlands at Gaza border
 
 
 

GAZA, January 29, 2017 (WAFA) – Israeli forces targeted with gunfire on Sunday homes and agricultural lands belonging to Palestinian civilians east of the Gaza Strip, according to local sources.

WAFA correspondent said that Israeli soldiers, who were stationed at military towers on Gaza-Israel border, opened fire at homes and lands near al-Shujaiya neighborhood, east of Gaza city, causing financial damages.

To be noted, Israeli forces open fire at homes and lands on daily basis in the north and east of the Gaza Strip.

K.T/M.N

 

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=8sXp5Ua52210314321a8sXp5U

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30 janvier 2017 1 30 /01 /janvier /2017 09:49
Crise libyenne : Tripoli et Benghazi encore loin de la réconciliation
 

le 26.01.17 | 10h00

L’Algérie estime que la crise libyenne ne peut être que politique
L’Algérie estime que la crise libyenne ne peut être...

L’Algérie estime que la crise libyenne ne peut être que politique

Estimant que la solution à la crise libyenne ne peut être que politique, l’Algérie consacre le gros de ses efforts au rapprochement des points de vue des nombreux acteurs libyens.

Les efforts nombreux déployés par la communauté internationale pour éteindre le brasier libyen et établir un dialogue entre les différents acteurs du conflit n’ont jusque-là pas abouti à grand-chose de cocret. Le courant ne passe toujours pas entre les milices de l’est de la Libye et le Parlement de Tobrouk qui continuent à contester la légitimité des autorités libyennes de transition issues de l’accord de Skhirat.

 

Les menaces récurrentes du maréchal Khalifa Haftar d’envoyer son armée conquérir Tripoli par la force des armes ont pour effet d’aggraver les clivages entre la Tripolitaine, la Cyrénaïque et le Fezzan.

En l’absence de tout compromis politique, le climat de défiance et de tension qui règne actuellement en Libye fait craindre le pire. Et cette situation ne va évidemment pas sans inquiéter les pays alentour, qui redoutent une plus grande déstabilisation de la région. Afin d’éviter un tel scénario, Alger autant que Le Caire et Tunis multiplient actuellement les contacts avec les différentes parties libyennes afin de les convaincre d’abandonner l’option militaire et de reprendre le chemin des négociations.

Estimant que la solution à la crise libyenne ne peut être que politique, l’Algérie consacre le gros de ses efforts au rapprochement des points de vue des nombreux acteurs libyens. Le ministre des Affaires maghrébines, de l’Union africaine et de la Ligue des Etats arabes, Abdelkader Messahel, a reçu à Alger pratiquement toutes les personnalités libyennes ayant un poids, y compris le maréchal Khalifa Haftar.

Mais tout en affirmant qu’une dynamique de dialogue s’est enclenchée et que certaines tribus ont même réussi à dépasser leurs différends, les autorités algériennes n’excluent néanmoins pas une possible «dérive», surtout que les ingérences étrangères sont légion dans le dossier libyen. Des sources algériennes soutiennent cependant qu’aucun camp en Libye n’est assuré de gagner si la situation venait à dégénérer.

Une chance à la paix

Pour donner une chance à la paix, l’Algérie, qui soutient le gouvernement libyen d’entente nationale reconnu internationalement, ne voit pas d’inconvénient à ce que les parties libyennes actuellement en désaccord revoient certaines dispositions de l’accord de Skhirat, si elles pensent toutes que cela peut aider à forger un consensus durable.

«Ce n’est pas du Coran», affirme une source bien au fait du dossier, qui estime important par ailleurs pour la construction des institutions du futur Etat que les Libyens dépassent sans encombre la période de transition évoquée par l’accord du 17 décembre 2015. Abdelkader Messahel a d’ailleurs souvent souligné la nécessité pour la Libye de se doter avant tout d’institutions fortes «pour combattre le terrorisme et le crime organisé». Plus enclines par le passé à travailler en solo, l’Algérie, la Tunisie et l’Egypte donnent depuis quelques mois l’impression de coordonner davantage leurs efforts concernant la crise libyenne.

Les échanges ont l’air d’être bons aussi avec le Niger, le Tchad et le Soudan, des pays avec lesquels ils se rencontrent régulière-ment dans le cadre du groupe des pays voisins de la Libye. Mais cette coordination n’a pas complètement réussi à avoir raison des velléités de certains pays de se mettre en avant ou de se poser en tuteur de la démarche de sortie de crise. C’est ce qui explique d’ailleurs le foisonnement d’initiatives destinées à régler la crise libyenne. Et ce n’est pas forcément une bonne chose.

Une pléthore d’initiatives

La dernière initiative est celle lancée par le président tunisien, Béji Caïd Essebsi, qui a récemment proposé la tenue, en février prochain, d’un sommet sur la Libye qui ambitionne de regrouper, en plus de son pays, l’Algérie et l’Egypte. Les autorités algériennes et égyptiennes ne verraient aucun inconvénient à y participer. Néanmoins, nombre d’observateurs restent sceptiques quant au succès du projet, d’autant que son initiateur ne propose pas de feuille de route précise, susceptible de convaincre les belligérants libyens de déposer les armes et d’appliquer les grandes lignes de l’accord de Skhirat. Avant cela, il faudra tous les convaincre d’accepter l’initiative, ce qui n’est pas encore acquis.

En réactivant récemment son comité des chefs d’Etat pour la Libye (aujourd’hui élargi aux pays voisins), l’Union africaine affiche également clairement sa volonté de participer à la recherche d’une issue politique et pacifique à la crise libyenne. L’initiative n’est pas pour déplaire à l’Algérie qui estime qu’il n’est écrit nulle part que le fardeau de la crise libyenne doit être porté par les seuls pays de la région.

Alger estime d’ailleurs que l’ONU doit s’impliquer davantage dans la recherche d’une solution. C’est probablement l’un des aspects du problème que M. Messahel aura à soulever, demain à Brazzaville, à l’occasion de la réunion du comité de l’UA chargé de la Libye. Tout comme il rappellera sans doute encore une fois que l’Algérie n’a d’autre ambition en Libye que d’encourager et de faciliter le dialogue entre tous les Libyens.

Zine Cherfaoui
 
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30 janvier 2017 1 30 /01 /janvier /2017 09:44
Publish Date: 2017/01/29
Israeli forces target homes, farmlands at Gaza border
 
 
 

GAZA, January 29, 2017 (WAFA) – Israeli forces targeted with gunfire on Sunday homes and agricultural lands belonging to Palestinian civilians east of the Gaza Strip, according to local sources.

WAFA correspondent said that Israeli soldiers, who were stationed at military towers on Gaza-Israel border, opened fire at homes and lands near al-Shujaiya neighborhood, east of Gaza city, causing financial damages.

To be noted, Israeli forces open fire at homes and lands on daily basis in the north and east of the Gaza Strip.

K.T/M.N

 

http://english.wafa.ps/page.aspx?id=8sXp5Ua52210314321a8sXp5U

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